On a journey that hasn’t ended yet – Polys Georgiades

Polykarpos (Polys) Georgiades and Vaggelis Chrysochoides are two comrades imprisoned for accomplice in the kidnapping for ransom of the president -at the time-  of northern Greece’s industrialist union G. Mylonas, by Vassilis Palaiokostas, a prison escapee and widely popular bandit, since “he has never hurt anyone’s life” and traditionally used theft only against the thieves (industrialists, banks etc). Despite all witnesses failed to recognize or describe them properly, the two are currently serving a prison penalty for more than 22 years, based on the testimony of a police-cooperating arrestee. Another prisoner at the time, was also given a penalty of 13 years, for accomplice. Their appeal will be examined at the Jury of Thessaloniki on 14/2/2012. More information: On Polys Georgiades’ and Vaggelis Chrysochoides’ case, 2008-…, Vassilis Palaiokostas’ letter to the media, Daily update on the trial, Vaggelis C.’s statement to the court

On a journey that hasn’t ended yet – Polys Georgiadis

A few words on the upcoming (14/2/12) Court of Appeals on Mylonas’ kidnapping case

“Of course I, too, condemn the act through which a man violently and through ruse takes possession of the fruits of someone else’s labor. But it’s precisely because of this that I made war on the rich, thieves of the goods of the poor. I too want to live in a society from which theft is banished. I only approved of and used theft as the means of revolt most appropriate for combating the most unjust of all thefts: individual property.

In order to destroy an effect you must first destroy the cause. If there is theft it is only because there is abundance on one hand and famine on the other; because everything only belongs to some. The struggle will only disappear when men will put their joys and suffering in common, their labors and their riches, when all will belong to everyone.”

Marius Jacob, anarchist communist, member of the illegal proletarian group “Workers of the Night”

When one early-2007 day I received a call from an old friend, asking for my help to hide from the state watchdogs who were after him, I didn’t need to think twice to accept and unconditionally offered to help him. I was fully aware of the risks that came with my decision. For me, my solidarity with Vassilis Palaiokostas did not come from any illegalist fetishism worship, but fullfiled concrete elements of my antiauthoritarian vision.

Vassilis is flesh born of the flesh of the proletariat, having felt in his own flesh, since a teenager, the bosses’ terrorism and the capitalist exploitation, working as a wage slave in a factory. Quickly, both instinctly and consciously, he got armed and turned against the bosses and their watchdogs. No, Vassilis Palaiokostas is no “common thug”, neither just an “ex-con”, nor has he anything in common with what we call “organized crime”. He claims no part in that particular sector of the economy, of the “black” accumulation and illegal capitalism. His illegalism was never
targeted against his own class, as he did not belong to this paculiar civil war of delinquency, where the poor and oppressed rob other poor and oppressed. Even if one disagrees with one or another aspect of his activity, we have to admit that Vassilis Palaiokostas targeted exclusively the plutocrats and state authorities. He belongs to a long lasting rebellious tradition of our country’s popular culture, a tradition we can trace back to the Byzantine era, with the Bogomils, the Apelates etc, going through the Ottoman Empire with the Kleftes, the Hajdouks and Hainides, the post-Ottoman period has its own Listokratia: the reign of popular bandits, and the thieves-rebels joining the ELAS resistance etc), lasting to our days, demassified, by a handful of conscious proletarians.

Therefore for me, solidarity with Vassilis Palaiokostas is yet another stop on a never ending journey of class solidarity: with every exploited, to every oppressed regardless of nationality or gender. It is the same solidarity to the fired workers of Mylonas in Greece and to the striking oil workers of Zhanaozen, Kazakhstan, overturning trains, occupying and setting fires to the national independence celebrations. It is also solidarity to the willful strikers of the Greek Steel Industry and the unconquerable indians and proletarians of Peru resisting the plan Conga of the north american capitalist ore exploration. It is simultaneously solidarity to the wilful of Tahrir Square and the emerging womens movement, defying the Islamic fundamentalism that triumphed in the electoral trap. It is also solidarity to the Palestinian people and to our class brothers and sisters setting on fire the streets of Santiago and Oakland, London and Damascus, Rome, Tunis, Paris and Algiers. It is also solidarity to the wretched industrial workers in China and India, the weavers of Bangladesh and other modern dungeons around the planet. It is also solidarity to our brothers and sisters languishing in an African mine, a brazilian favella or in a ghetto in the USA, a Paris banlieue or a “third world” slum…

My solidarity to Vassilis Palaiokostas is the same solidarity to every proletarian who fights back.

Good luck, comrade.

Continuous struggle for the classless society, where everything will belong to everyone




Christos Kolentinis’ letter on his case, 14/12/2011

Here is a translation of a very important letter depicting the current repressive methods the Greek state attempts to establish. It comes from Christos Kolentinis, a 22 year-old anarchist arrested on 8 July 2011 outside a concert that turned to a mini-riot against the police outside the Polytechnic school in Athens. More on this case at contra-info. Some info on the police invasion at Resalto, mentioned bellow, can be found at Act for Freedom.

An update from inside concerning my case and its recent developments. An intake on the criteria used to justify the continuation of my incarceration.

I am imprisoned since July the 23rd in the dungeons of alienation of the A wing of Korydallos prison. During the night of Saturday 9nth of July, and as I was leaving the concert of the self-organised radio station 98FM at the Polytechnic, interrupted due to riots, on Bouboulinas and Tositsa street corner I was arrested by the praetores of the Greek democracy when a police squad rushed against me without any reason. Their sadistic fury kicked off and as a result I ended up being hospitalised for two weeks in Red Cross and St. Paul’s hospitals in Korydallos, with heavy cranial and body injuries. My life itself was in peril, due to the cops’ denyal to let take me to a hospital and keeping me for hours in GADA (the police headquarters in Athens), with my head smashed open and bleeding continuously. After all that, I came to find out they are accusing me for: possessing and throwing explosive materials, resistance against the authorities, insult and disturbing the peace.

I am already 5 months in custody. My application for bail was rejected after the opposed proposal of the prosecutor Giorgos Voulgaris and the decision of the investigating judge Maria Anastassi Tolia.

The criteria listed concerning the continuation of my detention:

1) “Because he -without any reason- attempted to burn persons”. All they base this judgement upon are the testimonies of 2 riot-policemen, taken as an element proving I actually did so. Meanwhile, the only actual element they have are the bottles found and collected from Tositsa street. According to the initial words of the investigating judge, my release was guaranteed in case they didn’t find my fingerprints on any of them. Eventually, no fingerprints were found, though my detention goes on.

2) “Because he has not shown any remorse”. Thus, a judgement based upon my lawsuits for attempted murder and false testimony, more specifically, it suggests: “He has though filed lawsuits against the police officers for attempted murder and false testimony. In other words he has not shown any remorse for the fact that he tried to burn persons”. At this point, absurdity hits a peak. The conclusion of me being repentant about something I have not done is certified by the lawsuits I filed, a distortion completely irrelevant and insane. They distort reality to cover up for their torturers. The only thing for sure is that I don’t regret for any of my choices in the struggle and what I am, this is in any case why I am being prosecuted.

3) The third criterion states: “As he has been arrested in the past for similar acts.” Meaning they can load up the charges with a prosecution of the past that has not yet find its way to the court. Thus, they throw another prosecution as a pretense, to cover for their insufficient set up of the case. And as if all this wasn’t enough, they audaciously go on with characterisations of an offensive tone towards me, culminating to: “The defendant pleaded his studies to be released, though to our opinion he should have though of his studies before commiting his offenses for which there are serious indications that he even had a leading part”. As far as this leading part is concerned, it rather results from the lack of any kind of evidence whatsoever, leading the cops to assign me even a leading role to their fairytale, as another yet burdensome accusation.

Following the refusal of my appeal for bail we asked for an appeal to the Court of Appeal. The answer came a few days earlier, negative ofcourse. What seems a paradox here, is that their scenario keeps building up with new additions. This time, after they added the fact that I had been arrested again in the past, they highlight and go into details with the following phrase: “He has been arrested for similar offences in the infamous residence of Keratsini, Attica, that gained extensive attention in the print and electronic media.” My previous arrest concerns ofcourse the police invasion in the self-managed space Resalto and is now used to colour my present case, as an aggravating element.

They are determined to set up a miserable frame up against me, with treacherous hints, set up elements and fabricated testimonies, in order to keep me isolated for as long as it takes. I am clearly prosecuted for my political identity. Their directives and their strategy is against this identity, against me and against every fighter. The role of the statists against persons that have chosen and stick by the path of freedom, is openly hostily to our values, trying to erase everything related to them.

Their operating methods and mechanisms are punctuate against all those that possess a fighting fury. Prefabricated for the entrapment of the enemies of power, in order to intimidate every inch of struggle and every kind of resistance to the segregation of life. While the repressive crackdown grows on and the prisons are filled up to burst, we already count dozens of anarchist comrades in the dungeons of democracy.

Though the prosecutions and intimidations wont stop the resistance neither appease the restless spirits, but only intensify it. And the flame grows larger. They never managed to isolate our ideas and they never will, the huge walls they erect among us become ruins in front of them. Whenever we find ourselves, we will strive to realise them, our never-ending struggle for our passions and desires.

Armed with solidarity and vivid impetuosity as extensive and productive activities, to escape the big prison, and give end to a disgusting era full of shame, only to be cursed be people afterwards. Outlining our entity with chaos and fullfiling it with a sense of absolute freedom, the Earth will find again its natural shape and humans their self.

Targeting a fighter is targeting the fight. Intimidation attempts do not scare us, they madden us, we never bowed our head and we ‘re not going to do so now.

Anarchy now and forever

Christos Kolentinis

A Wing, Korydallos Prison


Update on the anti-dump construction struggle in Keratea, 11/12-15/1

A few info on the riots in Keratea ~ Act for Freedom

May be modified or updated as new information arrives


Part 1: Arcade Fires

“Tha mas fate to mouti” (we’ll make you eat our shit)

Keratea is a town of 16.000 residents, situated in eastern Attica, 40km from Athens, near Lavrion. The site has an ancient history that has left many remains, an amphitheater, parts of the ancient fortification… As many villages in Attica, it has also a strong arbanitic tradition, that highlights values such as extended family solidarity and social cohesion, against a usually alienated authority, as well as a sense of pride and putting head to a cause. Most residents are small farmers (wine, olives etc), workers and/or unemployed, retired. During the last decade, after the construction of the international airpot at Spata (2001), and also Lavrion and Rafina ports development to unburdain Piraeus’ heavy traffic, eastern Attica suffered a sort of gentrification with Athens recreational, turistic and construction firms moving eastern (this mouvement can be tracked by almost annual forest fires, taking care of what’s left of Attica’s “unexploited” space). Ofcourse, infrastructure and any kind of social services (even proper sewage systems) remain significantly unadequate. The suggested creation of a huge open dump would be the top of the iceberg -or the mountain of garbage- to the complete subjugation of the territory and the people to private profit, as a dangerous and typically illegal “solution” to the garbage disposal problem of all Attica is proclaimed against the will of those that will have to suffer it, and once they make clear their disagreement, they are violently repressed. No time for the old days’ “negotiations” in the socialist government’s “fast track” capitalism. The issue of dump constractions and garbage disposal in general has given birth to diverse militant struggles held in different parts of Greece these last years, with most significant the ones in Grammatiko (northern Attica), Neraida-Serres, Varnavas, Naxos island, Karvounari, Elliniko-Ioannina, and ofcourse Leukimmi, Corfu, where a small village manages to block the construction works and confront the police by all means for 3 years now, having one woman dead to the police violence, and many facing charges.



We are Arbanites here, right? We ‘ll take care of this on our own, they don’t get it. It’s gonna take an army to stop us, the riot cops are no match for us“. -A local resident to “Eleutherotypia” newspaper.

The residents are argueing that creating an open dump (a large hole where all garbage is simply burried, a practice even the EU officialy condemns) in Keratea is a major environmental crime threatening the residents health and well-being, as well as the nearby archaeological sites (Ovriokastro, submitted for UNESCO protected historical monuments and sites), the Mouzaki stream as well as underground waters and minerals. Its construction serves only certain private interests, while even a state jury has decided it should be outlawed. Instead of that, the state has responded to the residents challenge with heavy repression and media slander (Since most mass-media are typically bankrupt, they are now totally dependent on state funds and publications to survive, not to mention the “normal” state-media-contractors capitalist complex).

11/12: 4:30 am: More than 700 cops (riot cops, plain clothes ruffians, special forces) taking place inside the archaeological site and private properties, fields of the locals to scare them off. After a few hours, they decide to leave, once the district attorney suggests the work is typically illegal. On their way out, they managed to set a few fires (photo: on the mountain and destroy the community’s festival site, as well as to harass elder people, women and schoolkids… Photos from

12/12: 5 arrestees at Lavrion, for a street blockade in solidarity. Hundreds of people in the blockade, force the cops to retreat (photo: The riot cops are outrageous. Extensive, massive use of molotov cocktails by the residents. journalists speaking of “groups from Athens coming to Keratea for the riots” kicked out of the blockade by residents. Another journalist gets beaten by the cops. Video from the day’s clashes:

The minister of interior mr. Ragkouses, announces through the media that it is not about an open dump but a processed garbage disposal center (though the work’s permit clearly states it is an open dump), and that its purpose is to help with the area’s garbage (though the area produces around 350 tonnes of garbage a year and the dump is planned to hold 127.000 tonnes a year: They plan to turn Keratea-Lavrio into the garbage dump of the whole Attica). The residents had filed a plan to self-manage through their communities recycling etc the garbage of the whole Lavrion area, but while the government initialy accepted it, then declined it: apparently it is better to sub-contract the work to some of their contraction business mates and turn it into a money-dump. During the night, street lights are off where the residents stand and only work on the cops’ side. The helicopter is still on.

13/12: The local students occupy/shut down their school and join their families and friends in the blockades. (photo: Also anarchists and people of the movement gather from all over Athens. All day clashes with the cops. Massive use of molotov cocktails of local production. Urban guerilla by hundreds of small, friendly groups attacking the police forces and retreating to the village. A police bus set on fire. Many cops injured. Video: & Photos from &

Hundreds of people in the blockades. 6 arrestees after the riot police attacks, 4 of them severely beaten, supported by a police helicopter tracking down the residents on their way back. A riot police brigade targeted, surrounded and beated the mayor of Keratea (photo: The cops only back up so that people and medics can take him once he’s beaten senseless on the ground. During the morning, the district attorney decided the work had to be temporarily stopped, but instead of ordering the police to do so, as it would be expected according to their laws, he handled the decision over, as a suggestion, to the police and the work contractor, claiming he need to get a political aprovement from the government! The media continue to slander the residents resistance as backwards and reactionary, claiming they “merely want the garbage to gather in some other town” while praising the work that would end the illegal status of 96 (a fictituous number repeated by many mass-media parrots) illegal dumps around western Attica. Athens district attorney Elene Raikou orders a police investigation on the “attempted murder” against police officers by resistant residents of Keratea, as use of firearms was reported by the cops.

We inform you that all citizens are in the streets against the riot police and we are at war!” -message from the town hall’s phone machine.

14/12: More than 50 people injured up to now. 2.000 riot cops mobilized in Keratea, according to the Panattican network of urban movements. The police helicopter uses a thermal camera to spot smaller groups attacking the police lines from the sides, during the night. A riot cop brigade is sent to arrest them, turns out it was a herd of sheep. Around 300 residents and solidarians remain at the blockades during the night. Cops take over the nearby fields. In their attacks, the cops yell “run, the junta is here!”. Later on the same day, the police union publish a complaint to the minister of environment, claiming they are made into boxing sacks for “irrational” reasons. Daily report from occupied london blog:
Report from contrainfo site:

Video: First use of a water canon in Greece, since the military junta of 1967-74:

We ‘re now heading towards the end of our lives, don’t make us go back to the battlefields in times of peace” -from the call of senior citizens of Keratea to the prime minister.

15/12: General strike throughout Greece, clashes in Athens and major cities. The police attack Keratea during the night. More than 1.500 residents and solidarians (Mainly people from the movement and also youth). 2 residents arrested and much more beaten. 3 taken to a hospital. The police chased down people inside the olive tree fields. Second night of water canon use.

Late at night a group of elders sit around and wonder: where are the anarchists to help us? -There in Athens grandpa, but they’ll come. Someone reassured them. It might be a myth born through the residents’ mobilizations. But dozens of residents affirm that a group of local women, of an advanced age, complained to the mayor and the city council, that they are running out of molotovs” -from an “Eleutherotypia” newspaper report

Quick note: no matter how “truth” such a journalistic report is (a fact is that portraying anarchists as specialists of violence is a tactic many medias used to alienate the residents from their own militancy and from authentic solidarity, even if here this tactic is repeated from a sympathetic view, the fact is that the use of militant tactics -molotovs, hit ‘n’ run, attacking and retreating/dispersing, combination of offensive and lawful tactics etc involving virtually the whole community,  is applied in a unprecedent (with the possible exception of Leukimmi) social level.

16/12: Larissa jury certifies the dump construction in Keratea is illegal and need to stop all works. The residents celebrate with a feast at the blockade. Daily report from occupied london blog: Photos from

17/12: Early in the morning, policemen vandalise the local community vehicles, on the pretext of them being used in the blockades. The police also took over a community first aid office, causing damages to the space and taking fingerprints. On their way back, they burnt down the schoolkids christmas tree. Heavy police forces around the blockades, asking passerbyers to show their IDs and allowing only neighborhood residents to pass ( Photos:

An open call from Lavrion anarchists/antiauthoritarians to defend the blockades. Heavy rain and judicial procedures set many locals back.(

The heroic resistance of the residents of Keratea, Lavrion and solidarians from all other places give the proper answer to all recipients. If they consider everything is for sale, we reply that a people’s dignity is not for sale” -from Lavrion anarchists/antiauthoritarians call.

18/12: Riot police and residents face to face at the blockade. Clashes errupt. The pigs are forced to retreat to Ovriokastro. the pigs beat to bleeding an elder resident. He appears shocked in a video: “Oh you guys, help me heal now and then we take the arms and show them” (
The municipal council of nearby Kalyvia, together with many politicians (from Socialdemocratic SYN to neofascist LAOS) announces its support to Keratea residents struggle, and asks for the creation of a local committe to play an intermediate role.

Edit: an interesting post at [link]: from “μπουρλοτιερης καναρης (privateer Kanaris): Around  100 solidarians from Athens and 50 from Keratea and nearby regions. 2-3 good offensives. Many cops injured. We made them come after us to the open area until their chemicals (lacrymogens etc) ended and when they were stopping we attacked them with lots of cocktails. It was there when they got hurt. Their chemicals didn’t do the work, because we were in an open space with an opposite wind. 2 of them also tried to hide in the field but we rummaged them out of their holes. Also 4-5 plain clothes were pelting us with rock behind the cops. Apparently plain cloth policemen. Some said it could be invertebrates (fascists) because they heard them chanting for “golden dawn” (a para-state neonazi organization). In any case, during our offensives they hid aback, as always.

19/12: Unprovoked police attack, one 65 year old woman and a girl beaten to the ground. The residents gather again and chase the cops, 2 arrests. Negotiations to let them free. Popular assembly in the main town square. The mayor and the town’s priest announce their support to the struggle… Note: When the priest gives a speach, the residents applaud his call to continue the struggle, but when he calls for peace and non-violence “so that everyone (residents and police) can spend christmas at their homes”, many residents boo in disapproval, some yell “we are at home”, and he is forced to stop. Daily report at occupied london blog:

20/12: Gathering in solidarity in front of Athens jury, where the prosecuted residents will be presented Monday morning.

Photos: from the official community’s page: & From “for Keratea” blog: “XYTA (open dump) means resistance” blog:


Map of the blockade:

Part 2: The development of the struggle

23/12: Huge solidarity concert at the blockades.

26/12: Local residents set a nazi flag on fire to provoke the police occupation of their town by the modern democracy. Video:

28/12: Lavrion workers’ center and the blockade of Lavrion denounce the union of municipalities of Attica that promotes the outsourcing of garbage management to private companies.

29/12: Official court resolution ordering police forces to move out of Keratea and cease all works. Municipal party and awards to the town’s freshmen students organized at the blockades.

30/12: Anarchist solidarity demonstration at Propylaia, central Athens.

31/12: PASOK (ruling party) secretary of Keratea leaves his position, as a side effect of the struggle’s pressure.

1/1: Hundreds of residents pass new year’s eve at the blockades, chanting and burning effigies of government official Th. Pangalos.

5/1: Night of tension on Lavrion Avenue. Street clashes, wide use of tear gas.

6/1: According to the religious tradition in Greece a day (Epiphany) to bless the waters and rivers, and the residents are eager to hold this ritual on a little stream just behind the police lines at the blockade, so they move there, with the priest, the town officials etc, asking the cops to respect the event and retreat. Many chant anti-police and anti-state slogans against the dump. Minor confrontations lead to a police offensive beating many residents and vandalizing most participants’ cars. Photoes-Video:

Hundreds of local residents attack the police station and the Traffic Police department with molotovs and stones, after finding out that local policemen helped the anti-riot and undercover cops break and vandalize their cars at the blockade a few hours earlier. At least 50 locals’ cars were damaged, while tickets for “illegal parking” and removal of plates targeted the cars used at the blockades. The plates were taken back during the residents’ “visit” to the Traffic Police station, where the cops were locked in one room, tickets destroyed and police offices re-decorated.Three undercover police cars were turned upside down, when according to the police “the residents didn’t harm any civilian’s car, as they were apparently aware of which cars parked nearby belong to the police”.

Many residents were called to the local State Security in reference to their whereabouts during that night.

7/1: Local youth starts flaming blockades (using car tires) and attacks the riot-police with molotovs.

9/1: Residents and medics organize a voluntary blood donation at the blockade. During the night, (23:30) more than 700 local residents attack the riot-police around the blockades at Lavrion Avenue with molotovs and stones, and are repelled with tear gas and water-cannon. Street battles last for two hours.

According to the president of the local municipal workers’ union: “The force upon us solutions that have been surpassed in Europe. The don’t care to plan a total management of garbage, with selection from the source, recycling, but only want to dig another dump. Garbage is a commodity for the work contractors, that see profit at our own expense. No, we are not willing to take this”.

10/1: Police occupation of major streets around and inside Keratea. The residents speak of uncontrolled police violence that only by chance hasn’t cause any fatalities yet. The police during their offensives regularly vandalise residents’ cars and properties.

12/1: A joyous night at the blockade, with music and talks. Photoes-Video:

13/1: Another night of tension. Molotov cocktails and stones, police use of tear gas and water-cannon. No arrests.

15/1: A group of 40 locals climbed the mountain to reach the dump construction area and sabotage the equipment and works, while the police guards of the company’s property were having a little party. When they went after the cops, one of them pulled out his firearm and pointed it at a local’s head. The local man dared the policeman to “shoot if you have the guts, and take a look aroung you, what’s going to happen to you next”, so the cops retreated.

16/1: A solidarity demonstration from Keratea’s townhall is organized by many left-wing organizations and parties.

Videos: Police violence in Lavrion-Keratea (65′):


Art of War: The ancient Greek phalanx as a bloc

“…And Sarpedon says to Glaukos in the Twelfth Book of The Iliad: My friend, if you and I could escape this battle and live forever, ageless and immortal, I myself would never fight again… But a thousand deaths surround us and no man can escape them. So let us move in for the attack”

-In girum imus nocte et consumimur igni, Guy Debord

At the antipode of all contemporary military operations, war in the ancient Greek world constituted an integral part of everyday life. Thoukydides observed that a state of war, was something natural for Greece, contrary to the short-term ceasefires between the city-states. Such a way of life, was in accordance with the supreme value of struggle, antagonism between individuals and their communities. These could then unify inside the Polis (city-state) and divide outside, since alienation from material means and power could still be limited or at least hidden behind popular customs and “divine” laws. This antagonism, the “generous Eris” as someone as perceptive as Nietzsche reminds us, fulfilled the great purpose of evolution, of the overcoming of the established order, towards a new and higher unity.

If there still exists an analogy with the epic classical battles, this has of course nothing to do with the systematic destruction of human beings and material means carried out by state and private armies, but concerns only the community of struggle that appears again in the battlefields, with a conscience of its common and deprived interest. In its desire to overcome established order in all of its aspects, this community is forced not to rest but to struggle, since it is only through its struggle that it manages to become visible and gain coherence. Before such a possibility and only so, any false community, and any alienated struggle, loses all value. This is a procedure we now need to intensify, in order to realise the possibility, that already exists among us, to humanize the historic movement, towards an authentic evolution.

From the warfare of antiquity, to modern street battles, their heart is the rule that remains unaltered. Regardless of the the personal skills of each fighter, a group that fights as a group will always have the upper hand against an enemy fighting – or forced to fight – as separate individuals. Such a battle group, a bloc, in ancient Greece was the phalanx.

The phalanx, as a tactical battle formation that prevailed over professional/mercenary and disorderly/tribal armies from the 8th to the 3rd century BC, was nothing other than the military formation of the Polis that reigned as an organized social order over the disorder represented by the “barbarians”. The social class that formed it was not the old landowning aristocracy and their slaves, but the emerging free merchants and craftsmen, the independent farmers – owners of their own land, a social figure emerging for the first time in the Mediterranean, “weapon in hand” under the threat of raiders. Former slaves that had gained some independence through their valuable professional skills, thus having a vital interest in defending the Polis, and also the ability to afford maintaining weaponry (:opla>Oplites). From the moment that this class had access to material means and weapons, it imposed its own say on public issues, democratizing the Polis, which from now on and under every authority, democratic or tyrannic, is obliged to be accountable to its armed populace. Thus the Polis made the phalanx out of its image and essence, just as the phalanx made the polis. Just as any social organization is reflected in its armed force, every armed force reflects the social organization that enforces it.

Basic strategic advantages of the phalanx were the small number of loses – decimation (10% loss) was considered too much bloodshed for Greece’s small population -, the brief preparation it asked of participants, while following face-to-face – battles the Oplites could return to their work without further damage to a Polis’ economy. It can be said that strategy was not too much of a concern, since something like that was incompatible with the war ethics of the epoch, but mainly since the battlefield usually sealed the supremacy of one Polis against the other, rather than estimating it from zero. Sun Tzu wrote something relative in his “art of war”: Victorious warriors win first and then go to war, while defeated warriors go to war first and then seek to win.

The classic Greek strategy represented the “purest” (if we define this according to Clausewitz) form of battle: Two distinct forces fighting one another in the sunlight. Hence a known anecdote on the Persian arrows that could “hide the sun”. Up until the Persian Wars, the phalanx had only been put to test in limited conflicts among Greek Poleis, but when it comes to an Empire, in order to survive it perpetually needs to expand, this is something that concerns all those living near its limits. Moreover, the Persian invasion in mainland Greece in retaliation for the support of Ionic insurrection against the Persian empire, reminds us of a basic rule: to eradicate an insurrection is to cut it off and set an example among those supporting it. The Persian threat will force the Spartan defendants to adopt a basic – the most known example probably- asymmetric tactic of defence: The selection of a privileged battlefield. Specifically, they came up with the narrow pass of Thermopylae (since Tempi pass at Olympus had previously been rejected as the existence of parallel passes left to the enemy usually leads to becoming surrounded). Giving a fight in a limited field, may temporarily overturn the advantage of a stronger enemy.

Nevertheless, the inherent weaknesses of the phalanx forced the defendants to a descend to the plains, since a compact formation cannot be kept on anomalous terrain. Sooner or later, gaps will appear in its front line, allowing the enemy to make a breach. In reality, the efficacy of the phalanx was a mediate function of its ability to “keep the line/not to break” during conflict. Formed by lines of Oplites, standing one next to the other (“shoulder to shoulder”), holding spear in the right arm and shield in the left, everyone was thus completely relying on the fighter next to him for protection. Under heavy armour and with their personal senses limited, the basic function they followed was to “push” the enemy backwards, and hold its position. The first army to suffer a rupture would be forced to retreat. It is the rule on such occasions that the desertion of the first fighter plays a decisive role, since it triggers a chain of disorderly flights of fellow fighters, depressed and abandoning all courage. Abandoning a common fight individually, they ended up suffering much more losses and pain as a whole, as the enemy progressed with small swords or cavalry. An organized retreat of the phalanx as a block was the only appropriate move, limiting captures and losses of fighters. It is a fact though, that heavy armour doesn’t keep up with chasing deserters. In such cases, victory is claimed without any need to annihilate the enemy.

Of course, this reality was reflected in the war ethics of the epoch, praising the fighter that, amidst the fires of the battle, gains the trust of his fellows through his courage and responsibility. A reason why the phalanx didn’t break too often, was that the oplites came from the same neighborhood or village, or were members of friendly families or even relatives, since one fights better for tangible relationships rather than abstract ideals or rewards. A step beyond this parameter can be found at the Theban Sacred Batallion, based upon erotic relationships among men and teenage boys. This way, the pressure and obedience of the Oplite is no longer to some fellow citizen, but to his own lover. According to Plutarch, the Sacred Batallion, formed of 150 couples, succeeded in crushing the supernumerary Spartans, while managing to remain undefeated for another 35 years. This victory is of special value. The Spartan phalanx was considered to be the climax of the form, as far as discipline as well as personal training is concerned, that on a massive scale embraced the whole of the Spartans’ lives, which were lived under the dark fear of a possible insurrection of the slaves. A parasitic class based only upon violence is forced to exercise equal violence against itself in order to maintain itself in power. Such a class reveals the irrational that exists in the established social organization, and also the possibilities that could be liberated with its destruction.

Another tactic practised targeted the psychology and morale of the enemy. For a long time before the clash, almost as a ritual, the two adversaries stayed face-to-face, yelling chants and singing paeans, trying to paralyze the enemy, intimidating them with their terrible armour decorated with monstrous medusa heads. Cases of involuntary defecation, urination or nausea were not uncommon. Plutarch characteristically mentions Aratos of Sikyon, whose enemies laughed about his pains and dizzines conquering him each time battle was about to begin. What’s worth mentioning about Aratos however, is the way he brought about a well-known point of Sun Tzu, managing to win wars without having to go to fight in battle.

“War is just when it is necessary; arms are permissible when there is no hope except in arms.”

“Never do an enemy a small injury”

-N. Machiavelli

Invading his homeland Sikyon at night, climbing over the walls with stolen ladders, he stirs the people against tyranny, claiming equal rights for all. He wins the hearts of the Achaic Confederacy that make him their leader. Then the same with Peloponnese, despite the fact he will be defeated twice in a row by the Spartans under King Kleomenes. He goes on to liberate Corinth from the Macedonians, again climbing in the night on Akrocorinth and gaining the support of the population. Removing the Macedonian guard of all its support, he forces them to retreat without actually having to fight them. A few years later he goes on to liberate Athens, bribing the Macedonian guard of Piraeus. Even after all these spectacular successes however, the Macedonian dominion was only grazed on the surface, since there was no antagonistic organizational form to take things over in decadent Greece. His economic and political order unharmed, King Philip V of Macedon was to take him easily out of his way, murdering him in 213 BC.

“All war is based on deception. Hence, when we are able to attack, we must seem unable; when using our forces, we must appear inactive; when we are near, we must make the enemy believe we are far away; when far away, we must make him believe we are near.”
-Sun Tzu

The last tactic we will deal with here was tested in the battle of Marathon (490 BC) by the Athenian general Miltiades and has to do with the Phalanx formation. Outnumbered by the opposing Persian army, he arrays an apparently weak force, with heavily reinforced flanks. These quick and strong side units surround and side-hit the enemy, while he finds it impossible to move forward, as the main body holds its line. It’s worth mentioning here that while the tactics of the smaller force address mainly the enemy’s morale and their goal is to push him backwards or evade him until they become stronger, from the side of the Empire, there is always the will to turn every battle into a slaughterhouse. Subjects are expendable, while the enemies are counted.

Another novelty in this field will be practiced in the Battle of Leuktra (371 BC), with the oblique Phalanx of the Thebans under Epameinondas, against the Spartans. While the main body of the army remained untouched, the reinforced left flank with the Sacred Batallion, strikes the adversary. The rest of the army tries to hold its position to prevent the enemy from moving forward.

Finally – exhausted from the conflicts between them, the Peloponnesian and Corinthian war- Poleis by the “Macedonian gold” (as Plutarch set it), the conquest of the signals, also the overcoming of the outdated classic phalanx by the Macedonian phalanx. This last one, using much longer spears and smaller shields, is far more compound, impenetretable, and a prevailing defensive formation. Also, the more extensive use of archers, cavalry, and – after Alexander’s campaign to the east – elephants, are mobilized to create confusion in the enemy, something that lowers their reflexes and their offensive potential. The defeat, at last, of the Macedonians at Kynos Kephalae in 197 BC sets, according to the historian Polybios, the greatest example of the superiority of the Roman Legion over the phalanx. It is always a fact that an organized and compound battle formation will be defeated by a better organized and funded analogous group. Much more so when someone is dealing with an empire.

The Roman Empire’s military finally kneeled before the unorthodox tactics of the nomadic tribes, only combined with an extensive civil war that had previously disintegrated its inner ranks. An increase in its Barbarian enemies – aka those that are not part of the state’s community – in itself was only indicative of this community’s crisis, and not its catalyst. Without the ability to form a community themselves, without theories to throw into the battle when needed, without creating a higher social organization, hostilities on their own are nothing more than tactics devoid of strategy. They can only represent a danger, that the Empire is well aware of, is a ghost.

Our own power cannot be measured by the force we exercise against our enemies, but by the force that brings us against them. We already know what brings them against us. All we have is to know ourselves.

Michael: [about the unrest in Cuba] We saw a strange thing on our way here. Some rebels were being arrested, and instead of being arrested, one of them pulled the pin on a grenade he had hidden in his jacket. He took himself and the captain of the command with him.
Guest: Ah, the rebels are insane!
Michael: Maybe. But the soldiers are paid to fight; the rebels aren’t.
Hyman Roth: What does that tell you?
Michael: They can win.


Many thanks to J. for the translation notes

[Greek version/Στα ελληνικά]

Translations Uncategorized

Sulla manifestazione del 5 maggio e sui tre impiegati morti della Marfin


Sulla manifestazione del 5 maggio e sui tre impiegati morti della Marfin

È davvero inappropriato dare tutta la responsabilità e la colpa al signor Vgenopoulos (direttore della banca ndt.) per la triste morte dei tre impiegati dell’incendio della Marfin. Il fatto che abbia costretto i suoi impiegati, sotto minaccia di licenziamento, a rimanere chiusi negli uffici al piano superiore di una banca apparentemente vuota e non protetta, senza nessun dispositivo antincendio o uscite di sicurezza, nell’epicentro della manifestazione per il più grande sciopero degli ultimi 30 anni, non è stata solo un’altra criminale negligenza sull’altare del profitto [1], alla quale la sua classe ci ha abituati. Questo uso cosciente dei lavoratori come scudi umani per le banche e i business [2], è una delle risposte della classe dirigente a Dicembre (le rivolte dopo l’omicidio di Alexis Grigoropoulos nel 2009 ndt.) e alla violenza insurrezionale che si dipana impedendo e distruggendo la circolazione di beni, spaccando e bruciando auto, negozi, le sue guardie e soprattutto i suoi quartier generali: le banche.
Per essere chiari, l’intenzione del signor Vgenopoulos e della sua classe di sacrificare un po’ di lavoratori per bloccare il processo delle insurrezioni fino ad ora, deve avere questa risposta. Ragioni legali o derive sinistroidi come: l’insurrezione vuoI dire vessare il parlamento ma non le banche/negozi, senza avere alcuna idea di cosa si potrebbe fare una volta là, non fanno altro che eludere il problema.
È normale per un padrone conoscere meglio i propri interessi e come raggiungerli, rispetto ai lavratori. E tutti i padroni sanno sempre che “noi siamo in guerra”, anche se non si lamentano apertamente, come questa massa di naives che crede che in guerra sia giusto colpire ma una ingaggiato lo scontro, si debba contare sull’intervento di una presunta giustizia neutrale. Mettendo noi stessi (o altri lavoratori) nelle mani dello stato, traduciamo anche l’atto più estremo in nulla più che un violento riformismo. L’unica giustizia nelle strade, in grado di ridurli sotto la nostra forza, siamo noi. La responsabilità di qualunque cosa accada là, chi vive e chi muore, è nostra: DITTATURA DEL PROLETARIATO, punto. Se noi manchiamo – al di fuori di una vera è propria guardia dello sciopero che non lasci i colleghi nelle mani dei padroni – dell’essenziale fiducia tra noi, una fiducia plasmata attraverso le nostre esperienze comuni nella lotta e nell’incontrarci nelle strade, allora il prossimo passo sarà chiamare noi stessi la polizia alle nostre manifestazioni, affinché siano loro ad essere colpevolizzati e per scaricargli addosso tutta la responsabilità di qualunque cosa accada. CHIUNQUE PORTI VIOLENZA, FORZA LA GIUSTIZIA. Attuare la violenza, ignorando il buonsenso che viene con lei, portare un caos decontestualizzato, non fa il gioco di nessun altro tranne che delle sovrastrutture organizzate, che arrivano con il loro piani di “giustizia” di cemento armato (stalinisti, polizia, mafia, gruppi parastatali…). La vittoria appartiene a coloro i quali portano il caos SENZA PORTARLO DENTRO LORO STESSI.

Feticizzare l’insurrezione, come atto distruttivo fine a se stesso, rappresenta una fase passata del nostro movimento, talvolta debole e marginale, nonostante Dicembre, e la spogliazione della violenza da tutti i suoi feticci, con una simultanea apertura alla sua condivisione (inteso come messa in comune ndt.), è quanto deve prevalere. Un secondo Dicembre non sarebbe più una vittoria, ma una sconfitta. Qualunque appello a qualcosa di simile non sarebbe null’altro che una completa mancanza di qual si voglia piano per il dopo. Il nostro nemico si è palesato, siamo costretti a fare lo stesso, se non vogliamo sparire dalla Storia.

Non dobbiamo rimanere a casa a faci disciplinare dalle loro televisioni, come se fossimo dei bambini capricciosi a cui si dà man forte. Dobbiamo riportare il Logos (la capacità di esprimere le nostre volontà) nelle strade. Sputare addosso alla giustizia borghese e della televisione, che vendica il dolore di uno con la sofferenza dell’altro, accumulando miseria per tutti e socializzando il cannibalismo. I più stupidi di questi avvoltoi, prima di accertarsi di come le morti dei tre impiegati potessero paralizzarci, hanno cercato di farci sentire in colpa con una serie di cose ridicole, dall’atteso crollo del turismo, alla brutta nomea del paese all’estero. Per farci sentire in colpa nel lottare. Per dividerci in “lavoratori pacifici” e “criminali incappucciati con le molotov”, proprio ora che tutti sanno (eccetto il partito comunista -kke, ndr-, che vede solo provocatori) che il 5 maggio non c’è stato nessun lavoratore pacifico che non si sia sollevato – non importa se con o senza cappuccio e molotov – contro l’ultimo asso nella manica dello stato: il terrore poliziesco.
La loro giustizia divora sangue, il sangue dei trasgressori, o di tutti coloro che glieli ricordano, o ancor più degli anarchici [3], poiché sono loro ad aver generosamente offerto la propria bandiera a ogni violenza insurrezionale anche nel più isolato elemento della nostra classe. Ma vuole qualcosa. Vuole aprire una grande ferita nella memoria sociale, che rompa la nostra confidenza con la nostra stessa violenza, con la violenza della nostra lotta, con i suoi  temi e con l’interscambio tra essi. La nostra giustizia avrà a che fare con null’altro che con la guarigione. Non sappiamo che tipo di persone fossero i morti, se il loro senso di dignità accettasse la melma fascista e gli avvoltoi della televisione che speculano sulle loro morti o no, ma siamo sicuri che come lavoratori, i loro interessi fossero nella vittoria della lotta, con tutti i lavoratori d’Europa e del mondo. Non faremo affondare nessun’altro, noi insorgeremo insieme: SCIOPERO GENERALE SELVAGGIO! (GENERAL WILDCAT STRIKE!)

Sosteniamo le occupazioni!
Rimaniamo nelle strade!

2 dei 200000 provocatori.

[1] per il momento teniamo questo a mente: il 36,1 % netto di crescita del profitto della Marfin Bank quest’anno, nel bel mezzo della più arida crisi, che obbliga ogni lavoratore a riconciliare il lavoro con l’obbedienza in nome della nazione.
[2] incidenti simili a quello della Murfin Bank a123 di Stadiou street, sono avvenuti al supermercato Bazaar dietro piazza Omonia, dove un lavoratore ha spento dall’interno il fuoco con un estintore, e alla libreria Ianos che era aperta (come i sa la mercificazione della cultura se ne frega degli scioperi)
[3] la notte del 5 maggio squadroni di Delta Force e Zeta Force, agenti ordinari e antisommossa si sono accaniti sullo squat degli “Anarchici per un movimento multiforme” Zaimi street, e il ritrovo dei migranti a Tsamadou street -entrambi a Exarchia ndr-e su molte case e bar a Exarchia, picchiando e minacciando le persone. Allo stesso tempo in televisione, tutti stavano più o meno chiedendo le teste degli anarchici.

[tradotto da Aula C Autogestita e informa-azione]


[Ελληνικά] [English] [Suomi] [Italiano]

Translations Uncategorized

Toukokuun viidennen päivän mielenosoituksesta ja kolmen työntekijän kuolemasta Marfin-pankissa

Ei hätäuloskäyntiä

Toukokuun viidennen päivän mielenosoituksesta ja kolmen työntekijän kuolemasta Marfin-pankissa

Lakkolaisille, jotka jatkavat tämän paskan hajottamista

On tosiaankin sopimatonta “langettaa kaikki vastuu” ja syyllisyys palaneen Marfin-pankin kolmen työntekijän masentavasta kuolemasta herra Vgenopoulosin harteille. Se, että hän pakotti työntekijänsä irtisanomisen uhalla lukittautumaan tyhjältä vaikuttaneen ja vartioimattoman pankin ylempiin kerroksiin, rakennuksessa jossa ei ollut minkäänlaisia sammutuslaitteita eikä hätäuloskäyntejä, viimeisten 30 vuoden suurimman lakkomielenosoituksen keskipisteessä, ei ollut vain uusi rikollisen välinpitämättömyyden tapaus taloudellisten voittojen alttarilla [1], joihin hänen luokkansa on tottunut. Tämä työläisten tietoinen käyttäminen pankkien ja yhtiöiden ihmiskilpinä [2] on yksi hallitsevan luokan vastauksista joulukuun tapahtumiin ja yleiseen kapinalliseen väkivaltaan, joka leviää, epäoikeuttaa ja tuhoaa tavarakiertoa, hajottaa ja polttaa autoja, myymälöitä, sen vartijakyttiä ja ennenkaikkea sen päämajoja: pankkeja.

Jottei tämä nyt jäisi epäselväksi: Vgenopoulosin ja hänen luokkansa aikomukseen uhrata muutama työntekijä kapinoihin tähän mennessä johtaneen prosessin estämiseksi on vastattava sellaisena. Lakeihin vetoaminen tai vasemmistolaiset väistöliikkeet (kuten: kapina ei tarkoita hyökkäystä pankkeja/myymälöitä vastaan vaan parlamentin valtaamista, vaikkei heillä ole mitään käsitystä mitä he siellä sitten tekisivät) kieltäytyvät vain kiinnittämästä huomiota itse asiaan.

On nimittäin tavallista, että pomo tietää työläisiä paremmin omat etunsa ja sen miten niitä ajetaan. Jokainen pomo myös tietää aina, että “me olemme sodassa”, vaikka he eivät koskaan huutaisikaan sitä avoimesti ääneen – toisin kuin nämä naiivit ihmiset, jotka ajattelevat, että sodassa on ihan okei iskeä, mutta kun joutuu itse hankaluuksiin, pitäisi nojata puolueettomaksi väitetyn oikeuslaitoksen väliintuloon. Jos asetamme itsemme (tai toiset työläiset) valtion holhottaviksi, muuttuu kaikkein äärimmäisinkin teko pelkäksi väkivaltaiseksi reformismiksi. Ainoa oikeus kaduilla, siinä määrin kuin ne ovat meidän vallassamme, olemme me itse. Vastuu siitä mitä kaduilla tapahtuu, kuka elää ja kuka kuolee, on meidän: PROLETAARIEN DIKTATUURIN piste. Jos meiltä puuttuu – sellaisen taisteluvalmiin lakkovartion lisäksi, joka ei jättäisi yhtäkään työtoveria pomojen käsiin – olennainen luottamus toisiimme, luottamus joka syntyy yhteisistä kokemuksistamme kamppailuissa ja kohtaamisistamme kaduilla, niin seuraavaksi voimme yhtä hyvin itse soittaa kytät mielenosoituksiimme valvomaan ja kantamaan vastuun kaikesta mitä tapahtuu. JOKAINEN, JOKA KÄYTTÄÄ VOIMAA, MUOTOILEE OIKEUTTA. Voimankäyttö, jos jätetään sikseen “oikeudentunne” jonka se tuottaa, abstraktin kaaoksen aiheuttaminen, ei edistä muuta kuin hierarkkisia organisaatioita, joilla on omat teräsbetoniin valetut “oikeus”järjestelmänsä (stalinistit, poliisi, mafia, puolivaltiolliset ryhmät…). Voitto on niiden, jotka saavat aikaan kaaoksen KANTAMATTA SITÄ SISÄLLÄÄN.

Kapinan fetisointi pelkäksi tuhoavaksi toiminnaksi sinänsä edusti liikkeemme aiempaa, aikanaan heikkoa ja marginaalista vaihetta. Kun joulukuu riisui väkivallalta kaiken fetissiluonteen ja kommunisoi sen avoimesti, on tästä vaiheesta päästävä nyt kokonaan yli. Uusi joulukuu ei olisi enää voitto vaan tappio. Jokainen siihen viittaava vetoomus ei kerro muusta kuin olemattomista aikeista liikkua eteenpäin. Vihollisemme on edennyt ja meidän on tehtävä samoin, jos emme halua kadota historian näyttämöltä.

Me emme voi jäädä istumaan kotiin heidän tv-ohjelmiensa talutusnuoraan, kuin olisimme tuhmia lapsia joille on annettu liian paljon vapauksia. Meidän on palautettava Logos (puhe) takaisin kaduille. Paskat hallitsevan luokan ja television oikeudesta, joka “hyvittää” yhden tuskaa toisen kärsimyksellä, kasvattaa kaikkien kurjuutta ja levittää niiden kannibalismia kaikkialle. Ennen kuin kaikkein jälkeenjääneimmät näistä haaskalinnuista olivat varmoja siitä, miten kolmen työntekijän kuolema halvaannuttaisi meidät, he yrittivät saada meidät tuntemaan syyllisyyttä joistain naurettavista syistä, kuten työllisyyden odotetusta romahduksesta turismissa tai maan julkisuuskuvasta ulkomailla. Saada meidät tuntemaan syyllisyyttä siitä, että taistelemme. Jakaa meidät “rauhanomaisiin työläisiin” ja “huppupäisiin rikollisiin polttopulloineen”, kun kaikki nyt tietävät (paitsi tietenkin Kommunistinen puolue, joka näki pelkkiä provokaattoreita), ettei toukokuun viidentenä ollut rauhanomaista työläistä, joka ei olisi noussut vastustamaan – huppu päässä ja polttopullo kädessä tai ei, yhdentekevää – valtion viimeistä korttia: sen poliisiterroria.

Heidän oikeutensa janoaa verta, syyllisten verta, kaikkien syyllisiä muistuttavien, ennen kaikkea anarkistien verta, koska juuri he ovat auliisti ottaneet oman lippunsa alle kaikki – jopa luokkamme kaikkein eristyneimpien osien – kapinallisen väkivallan eleet kautta maailman [3]. Mutta se haluaa vielä jotain enemmän. Se haluaa avata kollektiivisessa muistissamme suuremman trauman, joka murtaisi läheisyytemme omaan väkivaltaamme, kamppailumme väkivaltaan, sen tekijöihin ja näiden väliseen kommunikaatioon. Meidän oikeutemme ei käsittele muuta kuin parantamista, sovittelua. Emme tiedä millaisia ihmisiä kuolleet olivat – sallisiko heidän omanarvontuntonsa sitä, miten fasistisaasta ja TV:n haaskalinnut retostelevat heidän kuolemallaan, vai ei. Olemme kuitenkin varmoja, että meidän kamppailumme voitto, yhdessä kaikkien Euroopan ja maailman työläisten kanssa, olisi ollut myös heidän etunsa mukaista työläisinä. Me emme lannista toisiamme – me nousemme yhdessä:


Lähdetään mukaan valtauksiin!
Pysytään kaduilla!

Kaksi provokaattoria 200 000:sta


1. Pidetään tämä nyt mielessä: 36,1% puhdas liikevoiton kasvu Marfin-pankille tänä vuonna, keskellä “ankaraa kriisiä”, jossa jokaisen työläisen on tehtävä töitä ja toteltava kansakunnan nimissä.

2. Marfin-pankin kaltaisia tapauksia sattui myös Bazaar-supermarketissa Omonia-aukion takana, jossa sisällä ollut työntekijä sammutti palon sammuttimella, ja Ianos-kirjakaupalla joka oli myös auki (kuten tunnettua, kulttuurikauppiaat eivät välitä paskaakaan lakoista).

3. Yöllä 5.5. aseistetut Delta, Zeta, siviili- ja mellakkakyttien jengit hyökkäsivät “anarkistit monimuotoisen liikkeen puolesta” -porukan squatiin Zaimi-kadulla, Maahanmuuttajien mestaan Tsamadou-kadulla ja moniin taloihin ja kahviloihin Exarchiassa, hakaten ja uhkaillen ihmisiä. Samaan aikaan televisiossa enemmän tai vähemmän kaikki vaativat anarkistien päitä vadille.


[Ελληνικά] [English] [Suomi] [Italiano]

Translations Uncategorized

On May 5th demonstration and the three dead Marfin bank employees


On May 5th demonstration and the three dead Marfin bank employees

To the strikers that are still smashing shit up

It is indeed inappropriate to “put the entire responsibility” and blame on Mr. Vgenopoulos for the depressing deaths of the three employees of the burnt Marfin bank. The fact that he forced his employees under threat of dismissal to remain locked in the upper floor offices of a seemingly empty and unprotected bank, without any fire protection or emergency exits, in the epicentre of the greatest strike demonstration of the last thirty years, was not just another criminal negligence on the altar of profit [1], that his class has got us used to. This conscious use of workers as a human shield for banks and businesses [2] is one of the boss class’s responses to December and the common violence of insurrection that spreads, de-legalising and destroying the circulation of commodities, breaking and torching vehicles, shops, its police guards and most of all its headquarters: the banks.

To be clear, the intention of Vgenopoulos and his class to sacrifice a few workers in order to block the process followed by insurrections up until now, must be answered as such. Legal points or leftist evasions such as: insurrection means storming the parliament and not the banks/shops, having no idea what they’d do there of course, do nothing more than refuse to address the issue.

You see, it is common for a boss to know better what his interests are and how to pursue them, than the workers do. And any boss always knows that “we’re at war”, even if they’ll never cry it out openly, as these naive people that think that in a war it is ok to hit but once challenged one should rely on an intervention of an allegedly neutral justice. By setting ourselves (or other workers) under the tutelage of the state, we recuperate even the most extreme act into nothing more than violent reformism. The only justice in the streets, to the degree they are under our power, is us. The responsibility for whatever happens there, who lives and who dies, is ours: PROLETARIAN DICTATORSHIP period. If we lack – other than an effective guard of strikes that wouldn’t leave any colleague in the hands of the bosses – an essential trust among us, a trust manufactured through our common experiences in struggles and meeting in the streets, then the next step will be to call the police ourselves in our demonstrations, for them to be in charge and bear responsibility for whatever happens. WHOEVER CARRIES VIOLENCE, FORCES JUSTICE. To perform violence, ignoring the “sense of right” it comes with, to bring – abstract – chaos, doesn’t promote anything other than the highest organized structures, that come with their own ferroconcrete plan of “justice” (the Stalinists, the police, the mafia, the parastate groups…). Victory belongs to those who bring chaos WITHOUT CARRYING IT INSIDE THEM.

Fetishising insurrection as the destructive act itself, represented a past phase of our movement, weak and marginal at the time, though after December, and the stripping of every fetish from violence with its simultaneous open communisation, must now be overcome. A second December would no longer be a victory but a defeat. Any related invocation, shows nothing more than a complete lack of any plan for afterwards. Our enemy has advanced, we are forced to do the same if we are not to disappear from the historical scene.

We must not sit home to be disciplined by their TV programs as if we were naughty children given too much leash. We must retake Logos (speech) back to the streets. Spit on the bourgeois and TV justice that “vindicates” the pain of one with the suffering of another, accumulating misery for all and socializing their cannibalism. The most retarded of these vultures, before they ascertained how the three employees’ deaths would paralyze us, were trying to make us feel guilty for a bunch of ridiculous things, from the expected fall in the tourist trade to the country’s image abroad. To make us feel guilty for fighting. To divide us into “peaceful workers” and “hooded criminals with molotovs”, now that everyone knows (except of course the Communist Party that only saw provocators) that on 5/5 there were no peaceful workers that didn’t stand up – with or without hoods and molotovs, no importance – to the State’s last playing card: its police terror.

Their justice devours blood, the blood of the offenders, of anyone that resembles them, or most of all the anarchists, since it is they that generously have given their flag to any insurrectionary violence of even the most isolated elements of our class, globally [3]. But, it wants something more than that. It wants to open as a larger trauma to the social memory, that would break our familiarization with our own violence, with the violence of our struggle, with its subjects and the communication among them. Our justice will deal with nothing other than the healing. We don’t know what kind of persons the dead were, if their sense of dignity would cope with the fascist scum and the TV vultures mongering their deaths or not, but we are sure that as workers their interests were with the victory of our struggle, with all the workers of Europe and the World. We won’t drag one another down – we will rise together: GENERAL WILDCAT STRIKE!

Let’s embrace the occupations!
Let’s stay in the streets!
Let’s talk!

2 of the 200.000 provocators



[1] For the time, let’s bear this in mind : 36,1% pure rise in profits for Marfin bank this year, in the middle of the “most harsh crisis” to which every worker must reconcile working and obeying in the name of the nation.
[2] Similar incidents with that of Marfin bank on 23, Stadiou street, proceded to Bazaar supermarket behind Omonoia square, where a worker from inside put out the fire with an extinguisher, and Ianos bookstore that was open (as it is known, culture merchandising doesn’t give a fuck about strikes).
[3] The night of 5/5, armed gangs of Delta, Zeta, plainclothe cops and riot police stormed the squat of “anarchists for a polymorphic movement” on Zaimi street, the Immigrants Haunt on Tsamadou street, and many houses and cafes at Exarchia, beating and intimidating people. In the same time on the TV, everyone was more or less asking for the anarchists’ heads.



[Thanks to J. and S. for correcting this translation]

[Ελληνικά] [English] [Suomi] [Italiano]


Vassilis Palaiokostas letter to the media

A translation of the letter sent to “Eleftherotipia” newspaper on the occasion of Polys (Polykarpos) Georgiades and Vaggelis Chrisohoides jury on 2/2 on the accusations of prividing refuge to a “criminal” and being part of his “criminal association”. Vassilis Palaiokostas is on the run, after his escape with a helicopter from Korydallos prison, on Feb. 22/2009, accused for robbing banks and kidnapping industrialists. It is worth to say, he has never harmed human life, not even cop lives to avoid an arrest. On the opposite, he and his older brother (a legendary bank robber and escapee, currently held in prison) are said to have helped many poor people and communities in mainland Greece’ mountains where they come from and are often said to find refuge at, continuing a tradition of “social robbery” that blossom around the Balkans since the decline of the Ottoman Empire.

“On the occasion of the upcoming jury on the kidnapping of the industrialist G. Mylonas, that begins on Tuesday February 2, I would like to clarify certain issues.

Through different periods of my life I have been a first line fugitive, nearly 12 years in total an escapee (I hope there’s more of that coming) and 8 years a prisoner.

All those years that I had been and even now that Iam still hunted by the official state, there wasn’t found even one snitch to deliver me to the hands of my prosecutors. Even though, during my first escape, in August 1991, there was also a large reward for that, from the -generous to snitches- Greek state. On the contrary, I met people with troth, honor in their words, and dignity. People that opened their door for me, provided cover and help, often without even minding the risk they took for themselves. People that helped me in hard times for me (as in a prison escape) endangering their own lives, people that prove that in this country there aren’t only resigned, submissive fellows, but also many (so many I am surprised) people that honor the traditions of honor and solidarity to the hunted. Pride people that despise snitching, servitude and the constable.

I publicly express my gratitude to all those remarkable persons for their valuable help and for giving me the joy of having met them.

Two of them are Vaggelis Chrisohoides and Polys Georgiades, each one of them stood by me in his own way, at the time I needed them, without expecting personal gains, but only acted upon their conscience.

Declaring my solidarity to this two young men, the state strangles everyday knowing their only “crime” was their solidarity to the hunted, I would expect to see for once the magnitude the Republic of Greece takes prides in. Because for its petiness, I consider myself more than competent to describe: It’s an Abyss.

I will say nothing more. I only adress to those that care to retain some pleas of justice and dignity. And everyone should do what his sense of honor and his conscience tells him to do.

On 4/14/09, afternoon around 20:00 while driving on the central coastal road of Alepohori, suddenly three cars blocked my way and another two stuck on the back of my own car. Among them was a black Audi A4, a Peugot Rally and an Opel Athens Taxi. Each one of them with three persons (15 in total), all in plain clothes. All of them got instantaneously out, pointing at me, the drivers with H&K MP5 sub-machine guns with double cartridge, nad the other with Glock and H&K U.S.P semi-automatic handguns. I instantly understood these armed mercenaries of the Greek state where on a prowl for blood.

This same moment on my right, through an invisible from the main road, alley, comes another car with the driver standing aghast and stopping on the crossroad with the main road. Without second though I turned the wheels right and let it rip. Slightly hitting the other car (given the alley could barely take my jeap), I got right in the alley without knowing where it gets to. From my initial speeding to getting 20-30 meters in the alley, bullets where dancing on my car’s cabin. Those guys opened fire with their machine guns and handguns aiming right at me (the only thing undamaged was my car’s tires).

From my μeasurable experience in intense conditions, I am more than certain that they shot more than 150 bullets in 15 seconds (the whole scene didn’t last any longer). Most probably, some of them also found the unwary civilian’s car, while he was inside it.

These unscrupulous, blind shooters of EL.AS [transl: the Greek police] where determined to carry out fully the order they had take from their natural and political leaders. Find and kill.

In this case, they can blame their bad luck, since luck is female and cares for the daring. [transl. see latin: “Fortuna Favet Fortubus”]

The reason I refer to this incident is to show the contemptible way the Mass Media report such cases. The car I was riding and left 100 meters from the scene, because the alley was a dead-end, was full of bullets. This fact was not reported and the car never appeared anywhere, it magically disappeared. Just like the other car (hit and possibly with bullet holes), together with its misfortunate owner, the only witness that actually took part in the scene, withous his will ofcourse, watching the whole thing from the begining to the end.

So, instead of inquiring all these important facts to show what exactly happened in that scene, the daring and ingenious reporters of the Greek Mass Media gathered inside the room I was living in, and in exclusive reporting were waving around my unwashed underpants, informing screaming of tension the weak, ignorant, speachless tv-viewer.

This fact reveals clearly the “journalist community’s” compliance to keep silent, essentialy consenting to the criminal activity of EL.AS’ desperados and their head responsibles, in full cooperation with them. “We will allow you to enter the house for an exclusive report, but you ‘ll keep your mouth shut about everything else”. Such was the filthy deal between the two sides. The media would get their money, since underpants worth more in their stockmarket of values than the life of their owner. As long as he is “notorious”. And finally, who cares about how the police acts? If the police and their leadership believe a man just because he is wanted is to be killed, why should we disagree? Whenever we [the Media] needed some information, the police’s head officer provided it -they actually brag about it-. While, the hunted man has no phone. And even if he has one, it will be turned off or without a signal.

This is the way our daring and independant journalists think.

My congratulations, the future belongs to you. May I suggest the two organizations, police and media, could even integrate in own, for functional reasons. It’s both innovative and carries many advantages. Then, it won’t be for nothing that you elected a police correspondent as president of ESIEA (journalists-editors union).

If these ingenious reporters, with the same eagerness the show on mine and not only, underpants, cared to carry a constant control, denouncing to the Greek citizens that:

* 13.000 humans are in a state of captivity (under the pretext of illegality), living a total exploitation of themselves and their families, from the official state. That after passing the symplegades [transl: mythical deadly clashing rock of the argonaut campain] of a corrupt police and an even worst justice system, end up with heavy penalties in medieval conditions, by which this rotten system strives to control and then annihilate whatever dares to make a mockery of it.

* The armed guardians of the Greek state killing in cold-blood citizens (preferably the young) in the middle of the street, in front of the citizen’s own eyes. Humiliating and torturing to death people in the police stations. Setting up wilfully indictments sending “guilty” humans in jail for years. Setting a whole network of criminal activities not controlled by anyone.

* If they really cared to exercise some control over the modern Pirates of the political system, that helped by the gimmickery of the election system and the blessings of the Mass Media take over the Parliament, turning it into the headquarters of full domination on their voters citizens. Into a nest of intertwining interests, dealing transactions, bribes. Into a “terrorist hideout” where the loots from pillaging are divided around. A loot every citizen dares to question, becoming an obstacle in their plans will feel upon him the brutal democratic violence of a blood-thirsty repressive organization. He will feel the revengefulness, the revanchism, and the deep hatred the Greek state has for all those that rejected the status of an obidient citizen that understand his personal liberty as a necessity to do what he’s told to, but remain human with free will and claim an opinion on what’s going on around them with their own actions.

* If they revealed the great responsibility of this criminal organization for the establishment of a police state in Greece, through which they exercise an unbearable psychological violence to the citizen with hundreds of road blocks with cops armed-to-the-teeth with “survivor”-style weaponry, and the same menacing, numb look they had back in the junta days. The thousands of policemen one faces wherever he turns the eye (not to count the undercover ones). The dozens of head-hunters that prowl the mountains acting on their own taste, reminding of the begining of the 20th century, though with a modern name.

* If they denounce these and innumerable other things that de facto cancel the “social state” and “justice state” notions, as their role supposes, then today’s regime, they eagerly guard and name democracy, would be incomparably more humain, qualitative, and certainly more just.

You ‘d now say I am not the most adequate person to give recommendations, even less for matters of the regime.

That’s correct. In the place democracy was born, they can do whatever with her, even burry her if they wish so. It’s a good thing to die where in the place you where born. But, they shouldn’t go hard to the kids when they throw stones to her. They see her old and rotten, it’s stones she’s gonna get.

These insticts are primitive, though inerrable.

Because the kids are more honest and upstanding than the grown-ups.

Nobody would want to grow up just to find a dead body in the closed his parents have been hiding there to eat of her pension. They desire something more than a body in formol, and be sure they ‘re gonna get it, no matter how many dreads you put in their street.

On what concerns me, it is my absolute belief and surely of thousands others conscious people, that the damage caused to the social body by one shiny tv-presenter in one and only news bulletin (preferably the 8 o’ clock one), I can’t make it, even if they give me 10 lives to spare.

What’s the damage my drop-fire gun [transl. use of an old term for light arm guns of the mountain thieves and left-wing insurgents in Greece]. I have never turned it to an other human, much less to an other human’s mind.

Now, why am I with this drop-fire the prosecuted one that risks his life by any enraged death-squad, and those with their lucrative superweapons degenerate and devitalise the spirit of a whole people, leading them to mental necrosis, become my judges and my hunters, is my question too.

On second thoughts maybe the law on weapons should change. Whoever holds a fire-drop gun should be prosecuted for a capital offence!!!

Now, since it’s the first time I intervene with a public statement, I wouldn’t want it to end in a dispiriting way. So, let me add an allegoric enigma-quiz, I find it won’t trouble you much to solve.

What is the name, of a deputy sheriff of some mountainous and remote village of Utah, USA, overjoyed to his award winning by the FBI, for heroically and always risking his life arrested and gave to justice some dangerous elements to the order of his village? Who, apart of that precious award, also fed the ambition to have his triumphous achievement turn into a big Hollywood move, with George Clooney acting as him, something that pissed off his american patrons so that they exiled him, reducing him to the ranks of minister of “Citizens Protection” of some independent Balkan state. Who, to my exclusive information keeps fantacising about and anxiously sweeping for new “troublemakers”!

To make it even easier for you, I can also add some of his favorite words: Democracy, Revolutionary Fund, Ghetto, Communicating Vessels, Destabilization, Zero Tolerance, Organized Crime, They will be arrested and prosevuted.

He is also a devoted fan of snitching and loves “rats” and his hobbies include setting prices for the heads of wanted.

Keeping in mind though, that one of his many qualities is revanchism, I come to clarify that any similarity to real person or events is totally unintended.

Every police reporter that solves the quiz, enters a lottary for an exclusive interview.

My militant regards to all those that don’t surrender the weapons the chose to fight with, for the life they dream of.

PS. Some oil guys, they do rust.”

Vassilis Palaiokostas


On Vaggelis Botzatzis’ case

On Vaggelis Botzatzis’ case

Vaggelis Botzatzis has been remanded into custody accused of setting fire to two company cars owned by a energy/power company. According to the communique claiming responsibility for a group called “Antiauthoritarian Conscience Brigade” the person or persons unknown who carried out the arson did so in protest at the destruction of the natural environment and in support of the workers who died at the power plant.

You can check out that communique at:

Vaggelis is also accused of setting fire to a bank and starting a fire inside a French car dealership in the days of the recent riots by young people. Vaggelis denies all the allegations against him and maintains his innocence. You can communicate with the detainee (in Greek, English or French) at:

Vaggelis Botzatzis
Komotini Juridical Prison (“Dikastikes Fylakes Komotinis”)
T.K. 69100

Vaggelis is accused (under the “anti”terror law) with “Arson, repeated and in common, explosion, making and possessing explosive material, criminal organization, terrorist actions”, and three felonies, and is in pre-trial detention (up to 18 months, according to the Greek laws). Three more persons are still fugitives, under the same case.

Letter from Anarchist Vaggelis Botzatzis

From the judicial prison of Komotini (24/1/8)

I am already 2 months imprisoned in the galleys of democracy. In the prisons effigies of prison society. I am pre-trial imprisoned with a made-up bill of indictments which is based on the testimony of a security guard (who asserts that he saw my car license plates) and by black-mailing inhumanely my companion, the secret police after an hour-long detention and intimidation threatened her and forced her to sign a totally made-up deposition. This deposition after a few days was denounced and refuted by my companion on her own in front of the interrogator as a product of black-mail.

Imprisoned by the anti-terror law, a law that aims at de-sensing acts and practices of resistance of symbolic actions, so it can show them as a threat to society, hiding in the meantime the fact that the terrorists are those who put forward these laws. In these frames, warrants are issued for 3 other comrades who are wanted by the police now.

Nothing is new or unfamiliar for anyone that has open eyes and is not possessed by illusions. Judges, prosecutors and interrogators imprison people before trial for each case that reaches their hands and give life-long sentences in order to hide their involvement in para-judge groups, who use the 18 month long pre-trial imprisonment as a penalty for cases that they know will get acquitted in the auditorium, following orders of each of their masters. Police that humiliate human dignity in police stations, who shoot in cold blood unarmed immigrants at the borders, who shoot in the head to “save” insured money, who “suicide” prisoners, who spray with chemicals those who decide to go against the will of the rulers. Media and journalists, political party, ministry, MP, millionaire employees, show an objectiveness which is nothing but the interests of their bosses. Assignees who are not boggled to sell-out for money and job careers. And next to this hodge-podge of institutionalists, a diffused social informery. Truck drivers, shop-owners and guards, everyday informers, defenders of the “honest sweat” of the banks, security guards and uniformed men, everywhere supervision and social control. Across this silence and obedience that is forced by this whole meshwork of authority, there are those who stand with clear glance and with sure steps they walk on the roads of insurrection.

Whether from inside the galleys of society, whether inside the social galley, the struggle goes on…

FREEDOM to the anarchists Yannis Dimitrakis, Yiorgos Vousis-Vogiatzis, Marios Tsourapas, Hrisostomos Kontorevithakis, Nikos Kountardas

FREEDOM for the fighter Vaggelis Pallis

SOLIDARITY to the 3 wanted comrades


Vaggelis Botzatzis
Judicial prisons of Komotini

Letter from the 3 wanted (27/1/8)

-Early hours of Monday 26/11/07

Comrade V.Botzatzis is arrested by plain clothes police while he was at his friend’s house in Ano Poli, Thessaloniki, and his car is confiscated. He is taken to the main police station of Thessaloniki, where he is held for over 48 hours, in total isolation and without legal coverage.

The same day, Monday morning, and while the cops have already forced entry in Vangelis house and in his friend’s, she (companion of Vangelis) is arrested at her workplace.

In the afternoon and evening of the same day, 4 more arrests of comrades who are politically closely related with Vangelis. 2 of them as well while working and the 2 other ones from a cafe in the centre of Thessaloniki. Late at night the 4 are let free while there is a solidarity demo where we were more of 100 people outside of the police station where Vangelis and his friend are still held.

-Tuesday 27/11/07 after 35 hours of detention, Vangelis friend is free. The same afternoon, Ano Poli (the broader area around our places of residence) is surrounded by police forces. 2 riot police buses are lined up in the neighborhood limits and tens of undercover cops, motorbike police and cop cars are moving provocatively around in the area. At the same evening we are informed that the anti-terror unit is forcing entry in our houses (in one of the two houses without the presence of a lawyer or a resident while in the other one a comrade is arrested and let free after a few hours. This fact made it clear to us that the police is trying to set up a dirty game against us by inventing “guilty”.

-On Wednesday 28/11/07, an unsubstantial, invented deposition of Vangelis friend, a product of black-mail, of threats, of psychological violence and pressure, an unbelievable list of charges is made up for Vangelis and 3 arrest warrants are issued against us.

The charges we receive are 5 felonies and 3 delinquencies, specifically: Complete arson and in attempt in a group and continuously, complete explosion and in attempt in a group and continuously, construction and possession of explosive mechanism, distinguished occasion of private property damage, formation of a criminal group, terrorist actions in a group and continuously, illegal possession of weapons.

Vangelis denies the charges, he states that he is an anarchist and gets imprisoned at the judicial prisons of Komotini. Alike, the 3 of us don’t accept any of the charges.

The Media in an admirable collaboration with the agents of authority take action. Publicized on the newspapers Makedonia, Ethnos and on the channels Mega, ET3, Alter, Alpha are the pictures of the 3 of us. Only the word “wanted” was missing and a cash award that would be given to any possible informer.

Inside this entire atmosphere, from the beginning with having any doubts we chose to escape. A choice so conscious as also political. We are anarchists and as that we realize the world around us. For us the struggle for freedom is the only way. The labels of innocent-guilty, ethical-unethical, good-bad are not recognized by us and we don’t attempt to do it now. That’s why we choose to not be victims of authority, of the processes, of laws, of austerity or leniency.

We realize ourselves as political beings that belong in the anarchist-revolutionary movement. Our participation in this is a way to exist in the present without having to wait resignedly for an earthly paradise of social justice but by putting forward the everyday pursuit and the rupture between institutions and relationships for regaining human dignity.

We exist in a condition of today, without evangelizing a “better tomorrow”, we live and struggle for today, while putting perspectives for the future. We consider the triptych “yesterday-today-tomorrow” a beginning for fertile criticism. We learn from our mistakes and move away from them.

We realize our existence-realization as an enemy towards the existing. Actively we stand opposed to all those who reflect this compromised society, which we see as a whole and not only to its authoritative factors and institutions but to the whole of its besotted citizens. Those who with their “neutral” stance which is not neutral at all because silence is complicity, are trying to gain a sure place in this system, ruled by complexes of micro-authorities. Whether those who voluntarily play their roles of lawful citizens-conscious informers where the rules, the laws and order gain ethical power alike the obedience to death of modern social cemeteries.

It was, it is and it will always be our choice to stand across all this scum, and the reason is no other than that our life and our freedom, nobody else except us can determine.

We were, we are and we will always be attackers on this world that the only it has to put front is apathy, sureness and self-slavery.

Our realizations look like impetuous waters that try to take with them the orders of authority whichever form they have. The rocks of the legality limits, which artily tries to force the radical components of this society, would not block their road.

We didn’t compromise and we would never compromise with this old world. Because we never possessed a position in the authority corral. Because our dignity would never let us follow by our own will the tactic of being the sheep ready to be slaughtered. Because we know very well your “chaste” democracy, the democracy of totalitarianism, of control and security-insecurity. Because we are humans and we would never exchange our freedom at any cost.

See you at the theatrical show that you call court.




Dimitra S., Kostas H., Ilias N.


The case of the 27 activists of Parnitha (Athens, 2007)

The case of the 27 activists of Parnitha (Athens, 2007)

Ok, This isn’t exactly news. It is a report on the case of the 27 activists prosecuted for an eco-action in Parnitha mountain, near Athens, back at 2007. They are all free without charges, though I thought since this contact wasn’t active at the time, there should be a report on that even now, for archive use.


Sunday, July 29 2007, one month after the destructive sprawl arson at Parnitha mountain, Athens, 27 activists got arrested near the mountain, accused for a symbolic attack with paintbombs against the “Mont Parnes” casino, earlier that day.
The casino is built within the natural forest of Parnitha, and remained untouched during the arsons that destroyed a large part of Greece’s forests and wildlife and costed more than 67 people their lives, since the local firemen were sent to protect the casino’s infrastructure and not the forest. The casino is even planning its expansion inside the damaged forest area, a part of wich (around 20.000 acres) was donated to the casino by the Greek government, right after the arsons, so as to “protect” it. The casino belongs by 51% to a Greek state’s agency, and by 49% to private companies, mainly “Regency Entertainment-BC Partners”.
Two days before that, an “Open Assembly from Strefis hill” organised a march in the forest and blockaded the casino’s teleferik, facing intense police pressure.
On the 29th, the police mobilised riot-policemen, police cars, helicopters and special police squads. This operation resulted in the arrest of 27 activists, who were beaten while hand-cuffed. Inside GADA (Athens police headquarters), they were tortured and deprived of any phone calls, even to their lawyers. After their strong dissent inside GADA, and the gathering of supporters outside the building, those injured heavily were sent to a hospital, and the police announced the accusations against the 27.
On Monday 30, the 27 activists appeared before a district attorney. The riot police, outside the jury, attacked supporters gathered but was repelled succesfully.
The activists, in a communique they circulated on August 5, signed “The deers of Parnitha” state they decided to act against the casino “recognising the fact that its presence is irrelative and totally competitive to the natural forest, and that it is needed to kick it out and prevent its expansion. That’s why this paint attack was a symbolic, fair and posetive action aiming to contribute in the awakeningof an equal social justice”. They also mention that “The day we climbed up the mountain was when a provocative declaration of a goofy celebrity of the ruling class named Aris Spiliotopoulos, parliament member of New Democracy, accusing the anarchists for the forest arsons” and that “as friends of the forest and the mountain of Parnitha we couldn’t limitate to the protests that took part in the city, we went up to the place of the crime, where the forest was burnt and the monstrous casino raised among thousands of burnt trees. Thus, the morning of Sunday, June 29 we realised an intervention outside Regency Casino at Parnitha, lifting a banner writing “Kick the casino out of Parnitha” and chanting slogans as “Our rage won’t be put out – kick the casino out”, “Either a casino or a forest, take your roulettes and go home”, while the security guards run away inside the casino from where they kept watching us, once they realised they ‘re not in danger. During the intervention, red paint (symbolizing the blood of innumerable animals lost during the last fire) was thrown at the entrance and the front walls of the casino, and slogans were spray painted on them, against the presence of the casino in the forest. Then, after our intervention and the symbolic attack against this church of gambling, and after we passed through the burnt zones, we continued our route through passages inside the forest zones and the streams of our beloved mountain, while above us two police helicopters were looking for us, and police units with buses, jeaps and motorbikes, riot policemen, crime units, special police forces, frontier patrols and undercover policemen where hunting us. We are also aware of the fact that the chief leaders of the Greek police went up the mountain and settled outside a refuge at “Bafi” where they headed the whole operation asking desperately for the arrest of all those that “dared to hit the casino”.
According to witnesses, local municipality officers but also a few residents helped the police spot them.
On Monday, January 7, around 30 persons occupied a radio station in Athens and transmitted messages of solidarity to the 27 arrestees. Meanwhile, many groups around Greece circulated posters and communiques in solidarity to the 27 activists.
On January 10, the 27 activists faced a jury in Athens, where more than a hundred supporters attended. All 27 were found not guilty for the accusations concerning throwing paint at the casino, while two of them were found guilty for “dissobedience” and set on parole because they denied to give their identity while they were under arrest. After the trial, while they were leaving the jury, the cops tried to stop the two claiming they had to pay around 70 euros for extra jury expenses, though supporters from the audience intervened so they managed to leave without paying anything.
The 27 are set free, without charges.


Also check out some photos of the marches at Parnitha:
at athens IMC
Of the paint attack against the casino:
Of a march, at the site of the Open Assembly at Strefis hill:

Earth Liberation Prisoners Support! – Greece


Prison letters and communiques


Update 3 December 2007: Prison letter from Giorgos Voutsis-Vogiatzis:

Now that they’ve all shut their mouths, let’s talk about choices

“…Many of us died or were taken prisoner along the way; many others were wounded and permanently put out of action; and certain elements even let themselves slip into the background because of their lack of courage; but I believe I can say that our formation as a whole never wavered until it plunged into the very core of destruction.”

To attack the modern institutions of repression and exploitation, it takes -first of all- to refuse the mass production of consciences that this world gives birth to. Authority no more stands for a privileged technique of administration, held fast in the net of a minority elite. It is a pervasive social relationship that finds its expression in every aspect of every day life. The transmutation of social antagonism has inevitably created the necessity for the refabrication and the sophistication of the old terms of repression. This process did not appear out of the blue, nor was it simply forced by physical violence. Social relations have been shaped over the course of decades spent inside the social factory; they have plenty of their own keywords. Integration, �morality�, homogeneity, �proper citizenship�. That�s the way the bosses manufactured the managers and their supervisors, the modern class to bridge the gap that were named syndicalists as well as, of course, the obedient worker, who, having broken �at last- the chainsaws of mass production, is now able to afford his own proper handcuffs. They created volunteers to raise the vision of �Great Greece�. Unpaid submissive people who named their volontary servitute �giving back to society�. Social groups working for the maintenance of the existent repression and exploitation that now act the role of shock absorbers contributing to the global attack of the rulers.

Organisations (i.e. the N.G.O.s) created out of democracy’s need to show a humanitarian public image. Based on non-violence and charity they are busily preparing the cemeteries for tomorrow’s casualties on their battlefields of democracy. They maintain the modern work camps in the third-world countries. Factories of misery, where the slaves of economy build the glass window of western civilization, as well as the consent of the modern schizo-proletariat, transforming its class conscience into consumerist conscience.

The �proper citizens�, the armed heroes of the greek democracy constitute the modern expression of law and order. They participate actively in volunteer work in security projects, they inform the police on suspicious figures and even attack delinquents themselves. They get their little awards from the police for their achievements and feel proud. The demand for security is not an imposed convention anymore. It is a social instinct. A pervasive militarized demand for the merciless defence of property. The cops are not the only ones in uniforms. This world’s morality wears a uniform too, and has enlisted with vigor on the side of the bosses.

On 3-10-2007 I robbed the ETE (Ethniki) bank on Gyzi Street. On my way out, about 1,5 minute after the robbery and once I got on my bicycle, I noticed a passerby crossing Ragkavi Street not far from where I was (a street parallel to the one I was on), who was heading towards me. After a short dialogue and while I was still on my bicycle, this passerby turned into a �hero� and kicked my bicycle resulting to its crashing with a passing car, and me falling down, on the pavement. From that point on alarm sirens were blasting all around me…

My choice to rob a bank constitutes a point in my way to negation. Guerilla attacks to the enemy�s wealth under by acts of expropriation uphold a perpetuous choice of attack, historically consistent to the history of negation. Consistency has to move with a military step between thinking and acting. Rioters, robbers, arsonists, they are all detonators to set off the same war. The negation of work is a partial negation of the economy and its world. Wage labour is an alienated process producing inequalities, based upon one�s exploitation by another. It is the commercialization of humanity’s natural urge for creation and its integration in the social factory of alienated relations. Alienated work has its own ethics of submission. Legality, the boss-model, career.

Where do you work? How much do you earn? When do you get a day-off? Questions to inquire the subject�s social status. Alienated work manages and organizes also leisure/spare time, that is equally modified by the work status that enslaves it (weekend, holidays, days off). In reality, alienated work defines our whole existence. Our every day chat: How was work? When do you get paid? Our mood: I �m dead-tired today, not in a mood for anything, I have to wake up early in the morning. We can finally see how exactly the deep meaning of time is in great degree shaped upon the world of labor and the needs of the economy. The immaterial dimension of time takes on a material expression modified by the schedule of our every day captivity. Robbing an economic mechanism of captivity is not the only choice to realize negation to work. But even attacks against economic targets constitute a radical suggestion of organization and struggle, which jumpstarts the project for the destruction of work.

I will say it again: the negation of work constitutes a partial negation of economy and its world. For example: the expropriation of commodities (from bookstores, super markets) constitutes a kind of negation of consumption, though not a total attack on economy. Robbing a bank is a way of negating work, but is not a total attack on capitalism. If the end justify anything, it’s not the means, but the choices developed for action. The means follow the decision to act. They are dialectically related to the project. They are shaped inside it, but don�t shape it. My decision to rob the ETE bank at Gyzi was not a vindictive, fortuitous attempt based on the weapons I possessed, but a point in my way to a total negation of this world. A way with no final destination, but with many intermediate points. Many as the guns a revolutionary possesses at his arsenal. So, if there is anything we need to take back, it is personal consciousness. Or else, everything mass-based and collective is doomed to reproduce the simultaneous defeat of our consciousness, that will turn into the new defeated masses of our era.

Hostilities continue.

Giorgos Voutsis-Vogiatzis

Instead of a P.S.: The identity of a person is not defined by its surname, but by the way and the choices that are of his own. We know however that when the cameras are smashed and the informants of the lie are beaten up mercilessly a timer begins ticking, measuring a reverse reality. Those that have slandered and pillaged my “personal data” will soon find me in front of them. In any action of solidarity, I wish all mentions of my name to include both my surnames.

[Some actions of solidarity (October-November 2007):

12 October: Arson attacks against two banks at Zografou (Athens)

13 October: Arson attack against the offices of the deputy minister of education (Athens)

16 October: Arson attack against an ETE bank in the city center and a rulling party office at Evosmos (Thessaloniki)

18 October: Arson attack against an ETE bank and a rulling party office at Nea Krini (Thessaloniki)

5 November: Broken glass windows and damages at the ETE bank in Exarchia, at Eurobank on Solonos Str., and at the Union of Greek Banks, on Massalias Str. (Athens)

Giorgos will be held for up to 18 months before jury in Korydallos’ Prison, Athens.]

Translator’s note: Thanks for all the help to J.M.L (, any mistakes are my fault: …for the transmission of infectious rabies – December 2007

UPDATE 3 September 2007: You can check out some news on the anarchists detained for the faliro police car attempted arson at our page on Chr. Kontorevithakis and M. Tsourapas . Giannis Dimitrakis remains emprisoned, and so is Vassilis Stergiou and Giorgos Tsolkas. Update 12/10/2007: New letter on Giannis Dimitrakis latest transfer from Korydallos prison anarchists!


Friends and companions, we salute you

We decided to write this letter in order to strengthen our action�s front within the prison. As well as outside, the state tries to recuperate and repress anything that steps beyond the limits of legality.

As well as outside, recuperation takes the meaning of snitching, ass-licking, an illegalist lifestyle, submission, and drugs.

As much as for repression, its expression takes the forms of beating, exits deprival, humiliations, blackmails, follow-ups, kidnap-style transfers.

These transfers form a part of the repressive planning. It is a means of dividing the prisoners aiming at their isolation and their physical and mental annihilation.

Yesterday was carried out for once more a transfer of the companion Giannis Dimitrakis from the juridicial Prisons of Korydallos to Alikarnassos� Prisons.

As a minimal gesture of solidarity, we choose today to abstain from the meal the juridicial Prison of Korydallos offers. An action that so as not to limit itself to its symbolic character, will be continued for the next days as well.

For us there is not an option of holding back our actions once within the dungeons of punishment, as there was neither outside the prisons. We maintain our self esteem, our fury and our aggressive stance as individualities.

Meanwhile, we don�t step back to expect the next prison mutiny in order to attack the treaty of captivity. It is what we clear the ground for daily. Everyday life inside the prison is also a battlefield.

Taking this route, we choose to connect with the few persons that preserve their self esteem and their dignity and to act jointly, till the destruction of every last prison.

The strength you give us every day cannot be impressed in words.

Let us leave the actions speak out loud.

Giannis Lazaridis
Giorgos Tsolkas
Marios Tsourapas
Giorgos Voutsis-Vogiatzis


In May 6 2006, riots erupted during the European Social Forum march in Athens. For a period of three hours following a 2km route, 2500 anarchists in small groups of 4-500 attacked banks, large department stores, police cars, government buildings, the police headquarters, riot police, riot police buses as well as “Z-team” policemen (motorcycle team). They attacked the US embassy, the Hilton hotel, the Italian embassy, and the riot police guarding the house of parliament. 20 people were arrested 17 of them are charged with multiple felony charges. 3 of them were detained since then. One of those 3, Tarasios Zadorozni, anarchist immigrant from Ucraine, is on a hunger strike since 29/11, and 12 days later he was transfered to the prison hospital due to health problems. There was also an announcement from another detainee, Gerasimos Kyriakopoulos, that he is going on a hunger strike, but we cant accertaine this, because it is hard to communicate with the prisoner. The third one’s name is Kostas Katsadouros, but there is no information about him nor any communication. Update 18/12: Gerasimos is on a hunger strike since December 15. Update 17/1/2007: Added occupied techical school’s solidarity message, as well as the occupied theological faculty in Thessaloniki. NEW: THE MAY 6 DETAINEES ARE N’T UNDER DETAINTION ANY MORE, AFTER 70 DAYS OF HUNGER STRIKE (TARASIOS) AND 54 (GERASIMOS)

There is also a translation of anarchist Giannis Dimitrakis’ letter to “Pontiki” newspaper taken from . Giannis Dimitrakis is an anarchist arrested in 16/1/2006 for an armed expropriation of a bank in Athens. He is since then, detained, previously in Korydalos and after 14/11/2006* in Neapoli Prisons, in Crete.

*During that week there was a pogrom against anarchist prisoners, who were violently abducted in early morning hours from their cells, in Korydallos Prisons near Athens, and transfered secretly to different prisons around Greece. Giorgos Kalaitzidis was moved to Ioannina, Nikos Kountardas in Nafplion, and Giannis Dimitrakis in Crete,(there are some cool photoes of an intervention some anarchists organised there in ).

For info on prisoners of the greek state check out:

There is also a site on the three 6 May detainees in greek language: as well as



Today, January 13 2007, police attacked the anarchist and anti-authoritarian motorbike demo in solidarity to the three comrades arrested at the social forum on May 6 2006 in Athens. The demo was attacked by special motorbike forces (Z team) on the way back from Nikea hospital where there had been a solidarity gathering for two of the imprisoned comrades Tarasio Zadorozni and Gerasimos Kiriakopulos who are on hungerstrike. The anti riot police squads (MAT) then stormed the comrades on the ground, 42 were taken into custody at the national security police headquarters in Athens, many of them injured, and 4 of them are still being held 9 hours later. Tarasio Zadorozni and Gerasimos Kiriakopulos have been on hunger strike for 46 and 28 days respectively and were transferred from Koridalos prison to a secure unit in Nikea hospital on January 9 as their condition had deteriorated. They have been held in prison since May 6 2006 along with another demonstrator, Kostas Kachadouras, accused of rioting during the international antiwar demo of the European Social Forum in Athens.

The imprisoned demonstrators of May 6 are 3 of the thousands of people that took to the streets that day when riots erupted between the forces of repression and anarchists and young rebels and attacks were made against State and capitalist targets. The police arrested 17 demonstrators who were accused on trumped up heavy charges and 3 of them have been held in prison awaiting trial without any evidence against them (with the political consent of the traditional leftist parties and groups) so that they can be punished as an example for those who choose to resist without mediation or institutional representation. The struggle that those on hunger strike began for their freedom, using their body as a weapon, has now become the terrain where a general conflict between the State and those who fight it is being expressed.

It is about an attack in which the State, using all the repressive mechanisms of propaganda and control in its power, is attempting to isolate and eliminate anarchists and anti-authoritarians, who are the most radical part of social resistance, with the surrender of the whole of society as its final objective. Under these conditions of intensifying State terror, every action of solidarity to the imprisoned fighters has been under attack. The aim of this repression is not only to keep the 3 in prison as long as possible, it is also to eliminate the very dynamic of solidarity, self-organisation and resistance against the plans of the State and the bosses.

So, on January 12, the police attempted to prevent the solidarity demonstration that had been organised by anarchists and anti-authoritarians. The order was pronounced by the chief of police forces present, stating that he had instructions from the prosecutor, but this was subverted by the persistence of the demonstrators and finally a strong demo was held in the centre of Athens. The attack on todayʼs demonstration (January 13), with the arrests and the wounded, are the peak of this repressive violence, showing the Stateʼs intent to bury the struggle of those on hunger strike in silence, to terrorise those in solidarity and attack the development of the anarchist struggle. What has preceded todayʼs events: the arrest of an anti-authoritarian comrade outside his home following the motorbike demo to the house of the minister of justice; intensive provocation and pressure by the Z motorbike police squad on another motorbike demo to Koridalos prison on December 15; police attack on new yearʼs eve motorbike demo on its return from the prison that resulted in many comrades being taken into custody and one arrest, and on January 9 the surrounding by anti riot police squads of a radio station which had been occupied by 50 anarchists to transmit solidarity messages and news of the hunger strike.

AGAINST the attempts of the State to isolate the struggle of our imprisoned comrades who are on hunger strike behind a wall of silence

AGAINST the constant repressive attacks against anarchists and antiauthoritarians, aiming at their isolation and annihilation

AGAINST the attempt to impose social acquiescance


By taking over this university building we are creating a place of constant counterinformation and solidarity within our city, an attempt that is operating horizontally and against all hierarchy, on the basis of the occupiersʼ general assembly. No repressive action will extinguish our solidarity to our imprisoned comrades, or prevent the social struggle for liberation from the chains of Authority








Assembly of the occupied Polytechnic University January 13 2007, 7pm.

Ps. At the moment of writing the four arrested have been set free, one of whom with serious chest and back wounds, and many stitches in the head.


Today, Wednesday January 17th, anarchists, antiauthoritarians and comrades in solidarity, haven occupied the theological school of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, in solidarity with the hunger strikers T. Zadorozni (since 29/11) and Y. Kiriakopulos (since 15/12). The occupation will act as a counter-information and action center, aiming the immediate release of the 3 imprisoned demonstrators during the clashes at the European Social Forum in Athens on May 6th in Athens.

That day, hundreds of anarchists, antiauthoritarians and rebel youth clashed for hours with the cops and attacked banks, embassies and luxury stores. On 6th May the social anti-violence justice is kept alive and also the denial of the systemic Left which conciliates with the state and capital. 17 arrests take place and 3 of them (T. Zadorozni, Y. Kiriakopulos and K. Katsaduros) are still incarcerated, due to falsified copsʼ statements. This moment their hunger strike is critical. Tarasio Zadorozni is on his 50th day of hunger strike and already they face serious health problems, capable of causing irrecoverable damage. G. Kiriakopulos has already suffered spleen and kidney rupture.

The struggle for their liberation is taking place at a point when the states, globally, upgrade their legal and suppressive arsenal, enact (anti)terrorist decrees, promote fear systematically and tighten social control. The greek state also promotes the suppression or deterrence of social resistance. For this reason, the struggle of the hunger strikers is directly related with the struggle for social and individual liberation.

We don’t intend to negotiate their health and their existence. WE DEMAND their immediate release.

OPEN ASSEMBLY 7 pm daily

The assembly of the theological school occupation


My name is Gerasimos Kyriakopoulos. I am detained in the Prisons of Korydallos, accused for the episodes of May 6 during the 4th European Social Forum. A few things for my affair have as follows: The afternoon of May 6 in the Thiseio area, where there were no riots, six police officers of M.A.T. squad made six blind and unjustified arrests, one from which was my own. Once being arrested with no obvious reason, I thought they were just doing some simple suspect presentations, aware of the situation created that day. However, as you understand, as I am writing to you this letter, finally the things were not like that at all.

Thus, later, taking me to the G.A.D.A. police building, with no evidence, without any proof, the police officers passed me a paper to sign, with an awful lot of accusations. Of course, the police in order to support theese accusations have testified in their six similar reports that the arrestations did not take part in the Thiseio area, but in the Monastiraki square, where there indeed were riots, presenting us as a team that attacked them. Thus without any genuine clue, taking us later on to the interrogative process, they attributed to me some severe accusations as homicide attemptings and also supply and possession of 50 explosive bombs and without being suspect of escape or having a background in such similar situations (how coud I, anyway?) they ordered my detaintion.

Thus I find myself detained in the Korydallos Prisons, without any ecidence, facing severe accusations. Continuously, all appeals I submitted were rejected extending my imprisonment without any genuine evidence. Thus I am puzzled and I wonder how could I ever, being simply one person, prove – having no proof but my words for what I have lived – the opposite towards six untruth accusations made by the police. I think I can not.

So, being desperated and having no other way to stand up to all these theese untruth accusations that they attributed to me, and also aware – despite the serious health problems I face (as rupture of kidney and rupture of spleen) – of the fact that what I am going to do may cost my life, I will go on a hunger strike protesting against the false accusations they attributed to me, and also demanding to be set free directly until my case’s trial.

Gerasimos Kyriakopoulos


Imprisoned behind the bars and cement walls, after six and a half months of captivity, in the juridicial prisons of Korydallos, I come to realise that all they can do is to emprison my body. Everything else that is genuine and free, I have succeeded to maintain intact.

I am found in place of captivity to the state, because I decided to participate in a march of protest, because the system searched to find expiatory victims in order to promote the spectacle of control and justice. The system’s decay was obvious in all its greatness since all previously existing inaccuracies and inconherences in the cops’ statements were later on extinct when forced to modify before taking them to the interrogator. Of course these changes in combination with other excuses that offered the interrogator as objective had no other than to take back my case so as to influence the six-monthly council on its decision and to decided my further detaintion. How indeed could this decision be valid whether they did n’t use methods of manipulation and distortion of the clues, since there is no real case against me.

Excluded from all the possible choices, led to a no-way out rout, disgusted with continuing unfairness against me, I continue my struggle with all means i have left.

If they believe that putting me to jail, can extinguish my passion for freedom they are laughed. In a attempt to accentuate the contradictions of this decadent system and to show its totalitarian character I will stop giving them the right to rule my body. Since it is the unique thing that they keep in their hands I will turn it in a form of struggle against them, aiming at my release.

Thus I go on a hunger strike from Wednesday 29th of November and demand my direct and unconditional release of me and my codefendants, the withdrawl of categories and ceasing of our case. I will not leave them use freedom as a tool in their legal and political games. However my fight will be hard and it will need the support and solidarity of persons out there who interest to support my struggle.

Consciences are not ruled, nor jailed, nor guided.

Tarasios Zadorozni, “Γ” wing Juridicial Prisons of Korydallos

Appeal for solidarity from Greek anarchist prisoners

Athens, Greece – Gerasimos Kyriakopoulos and Kostas Katsadouros are in prison from 6 of May. They are anarchists that were arrested after the riots at the European Social Forum. They are 2 of the 4 people still detained after the disturbances. Another young man, 17 years old, was released after some weeks in the cells, and is continuing the anarchist political activities.

For communication with the imprisoned comrades:


Dikastikes fulakes korudallou

T.k. 18110



The specific prisoner support group (in Greece) working for these 2 men have had problems communicating with the prisoners. They don’t know if the prisoners get letters, but it is needed to show international interest and apply pressure on the guards. Please send them letters, postcards and take actions in solidarity! More information coming soon, there is also a demonstration in Greece being planned in support.

May 6, Athens, Greece – Riots erupted during the European Social Forum march in Athens. For a period of three hours following a 2km route, 2500 anarchists in small groups of 4-500 attacked banks, large department stores, police cars, government buildings, the police headquarters, riot police, riot police buses as well as “Z-team” policemen (motorcycle team). They attacked the US embassy, the Hilton hotel, the Italian embassy, and the riot police guarding the house of parliament. 20 people were arrested 17 of them are charged with multiple felony charges.


Letter from Anarchist Giannis Dimitrakis, from Koridallos prison, Greece

On the afternoon of 16/1/06 an armed robbery took place at the national bank of Greece in the centre of Athens. After an exchange of fire with 2 cops from a special unit, one of the participators Yannis Dimitrakis, was seriously injured when shot by the cops 3 times at several parts of his body. The other 4 participators managed to get away from the scene with about 50,000 euro with one of them being slightly injured too. Yannis, who openly admitted that he is an anarchist, stayed in different hospitals for a few months till he recovered, then he was sent to Korydallos prison of Athens. In another parody of the Greek justice system Yannis was charged with 7 robberies! Also he was charged with numerous counts of attempted murder, topped with the anti-terror law! Its not the first time that a fixed charge is given towards anarchists in Greece. This is the letter he sent from prison on the 23rd of June where he explains a lot about what happened in the meantime and his personal position on the robbery.


This letter is my first attempt to communicate and comment on the events that took place and I experienced due to my participation in the bank robbery of the National Bank of Greece that took place in the centre of Athens on January 16th. Before I go on to enlarge upon the actual events, I’d like to say a few things in regards to my motives that lay behind my choice in taking such action and what it means to me.

For me, present-day society is a wagon following a pre-defined course that leads straight towards its complete dehumanization. The role of its passengers, its wheels and its horses- in other words of its driving force- is played out by ourselves, the people. The wagon’s driver has the cruel face of capitalism and its co-driver is a faceless and vague state. The path the wagon follows is of course not strewn with rose petals and flowers but with blood and human bodies. With individuals or groups of people that wanted to either resist and change its frantic course or to stand as an obstacle in front of it. The list of those is long: insubordinates, rebels, leftists, anti-authoritarians and anarchists fill many bloody pages in this journey’s storybook. Somewhere in between the last two groups is where I place myself.

So, to the degree of consciousness that my world-view and perception offers me, what I can easily discern is that present-day society relies only on violence, oppression and exploitation. A society which aims at the loss of human dignity in every way, by all means. This is something that is experienced and received by each and every one of us in their everyday life, either by being forced to deal with state institutions either at our work-place and from those who manage and profit from our work. Employment, work: words whose true meaning is wage slavery, enslavement. Work and its surplus-value are the pillars of today’s economic system while the individuals that carry it through and the circumstances under which this takes place confirms that people are treated as expendable goods, as modern slaves. We see workers that are rotting away from illnesses that are due to their long-term exposure to hazardous substances, that die either by fall or by explosion in the capitalist temples they are building, losing their urge, their liveliness, their spontaneity all that characterizes a would-be free person. Working exhausting hours and employed in two or three jobs simultaneously just for a few crumbs. When to cover their most basic needs a person is obliged to mortgage to those cold-hearted oppressors that are otherwise known as banks and under the burden of this financial responsibility start showing signs of subservience and submission whereas in the case that they cannot in the end cope and are led to bankruptcy and in the end commit suicide or are publicly ridiculed by the mass media as one more human wreckage, leads us to one conclusion.

The state and capital in order to continue existing manufacture modern-day helots who can easily be compared to the Spartan ones. A system which at the alter of profit sacrifices human lives inconsiderably and with audacity. As I’ve already mentioned one of the main partners in this crime are banks which are nothing less than legitimate loan-sharks and are partly to blame for the plundering that’s taking place at the expense of peoples’ work.

Taking all the above into consideration we can understand Maki in Brecht’s … When he asks ‘what is a bank robbery compared to the establishment of a bank?’ But also taking me into consideration who wanting to resist on a personal level- as on a mass level all that know me personally know that I have participated as much as I could- to my future yoke, to determine myself the conditions and quality of my life, to put in to practice my refusal to ‘work’ and also to play the role of yet another productive unit, of yet another wheel in the wagon, wanting to attack the monstrosity that is called a bank (however at the same time having no illusions that I’ll inflict any major blows to this economic institution), choosing to mark a course of dignity in my life I decided to rob a bank. An act which I consider, amongst many others, as revolutionary and which claims deservingly its own place as such.

In all honesty I must admit that the money I was going to acquire through the robbery was going to have me as the end-recipient. At the same time, however, as an anarchist and as a person who wishes to show their solidarity through deeds I’d be one of the first to actively and with joy help in contributing to monetary needs, which might come up in this scene which I belong. Finally, what I’d like to point out here is that all which I have mentioned up to now does not in any way mean that I support a notion that whoever is an anarchist should be a bank robber or that whoever works is enslaved.

Going on now to recount the chain of events that took place, I take as a starting point the scene where I’m lying on the ground seriously injured by the cops’ fire and I have to let myself be taken into the states’ ‘warm’ embrace. The welcoming is to, say the least, impressive as an image, as most people saw, but also exemplary towards anyone who is considering acting in a similar way: A pack of hunters in blue uniforms and me in the role of the injured game being surrounded and receiving ‘friendly’ kicks- which later I found out where part of the framework to disarm me- and comments like ‘we fucked you’ or ‘you’re not such a big shot now, you fucker?!’ amongst other brave words. Finally, being handcuffed from behind despite the fact that I couldn’t move or breathe having received bullets in my lungs, liver and elbow completes the picture. I refer to these events without the slightest trace of bitterness, complaining or disappointment, as I didn’t expect any better treatment from my enemies in the case that I did fall into their hands. In any case, a similar attitude has been displayed to less ‘dangerous’ villains and as a mere example I’ d like to remind you of images such as the arrest of protesters and immigrants or the pogroms at gypsy camps just to name a few. I do refer to these events, however, as, in a tragic and insane way, these are the people who at my trial will come forward as the ones who defend and honor human life and dignity, while I’ll have the role of the immoral, hardened, violent and heartless criminal.

For the time that I was kept at Athens General Hospital I literally experienced the violation of every human right as an arrestee and later as a prisoner. There were early signs regarding how I was going to be treated when at my parents first visit to see me at the ICU (Intensive Care Unit). While there are very strict rules about the number of visitors- even in the case of relatives- an armed to the teeth police officer barges in and places himself in a corner which as a consequence destroyed any concept of at least sharing a private moment with my family, as from the drug-treatment I was receiving I couldn’t even open my mouth, much less hold a conversation. Following this incident and at an unsuspected time, while in a hazy condition from the heavy drug treatment I was undertaking due to the pains I had from my wounds and swimming in a sea of tubes that were coming out of my body, I realized that a guard was now permanently positioned inside the room and right next to me. This situation really irritated me and didn’t allow me to rest and I made it known to him. Strangely enough he then left the room and instead stood right in front of it. Of course when the doctors and the head of the ICU came to examine me I reported this incident and truly astounded and irritated by the event they got rid of the cop, wondering who had let him in.

Here, a big thank you needs to be given from my behalf to all those people, from the doctors to the nurses, who paid me attention and who irrelevant of their own political beliefs took care of me as best as they could. Some of these people also resisted as much as they could to the different pressures put on them by the prosecuting authorities, either in regards to my guarding or my transport and exit from the ICU.

On the third or fourth day of my hospital treatment I was informed that prosecutor Diotis was coming to see me later that afternoon. I must confess that to start with I wasn’t sure whether in my condition I would be up to facing him. The head of the ICU, however, assured me that he would be by my side for the duration of the interrogation and made it known to me that due to my condition I had a right to stop the process at whatever moment, something that I was unaware of. So when Diotis arrived escorted by a security police chief and another person whose official role I can’t remember, but was probably the interrogator, and as soon as each of them had spoken to me to me for a couple of minutes I signaled to my doctor that I wanted them to leave. On his way out Diotis told me that in any case they were going to find who else was with me and that to talk now would just make it easier for me. Of course his words fell on deaf ears. The second time he came I was given a chance to understand who Diotis really is when in a lively exchange of words with the head of the ICU a very strange phrase slipped his mouth. Having finished his monologue and having delivered me the arrest warrant and the list of accusations I was facing he asks me to sign. My doctor immediately intervenes and explains to him that I am incapable of doing such a thing at the moment and asks him to leave as my strength was deserting me. Then Diotis, to both our surprise, answers: ‘ Of course I respect the boy’s condition and I don’t intend to give him a hard time, because if I did I could just pull on his tubes a little and put his pressure up to 50’. I realized at that moment what would have happened in that room if the doctors weren’t people with willpower and values but simply pawns. I would have, no doubt, discovered the ‘famous’ interrogation methods that prosecutor Diotis has used in the past.

After this incident the conditions of my detention really worsened. Two armed guards were permanently placed inside the ICU and pressures were put on the head of the department for me to be admitted out earlier, which was achieved. I was then transferred to an especially laid out room in the Eye Clinic with the excuse that they would be able to guard me more efficiently. In this new space in which I was placed I was sleeping with two undercover cops by my side. Another two cops were permanently stationed in front of the open door of the room while one character kept trooping in and out every half hour to check up on things, another 5-6 cops were in the waiting room and an unknown number of individuals in the corridor outside.

The result of all this was for me not to able to sleep for 3-4 days and to feel like a monkey in the zoo as every jumped-up cop came in looking at me up and down and discussing me on his mobile phone or with his collegues. I was at the end of my tether and so made a complaint to the head of security about it all who replied that I was a prisoner now and that they’ll be the ones to judge how I should be guarded and that they’re protecting me from myself meaning, if you can believe, that they were watching over me so I didn’t commit suicide. Other amazing scenes that took place included me, still bed-ridden, relieving myself in front of them while they watched undisturbed, or me being handcuffed to the bed inside the ICU, again with the excuse of preventing me from committing suicide and other such incidents. Like the attempt to kidnap me from the Eye Clinic and to transport me to the hospital at Korydallos prisons while I still had stitches in from the surgical incisions, falsely claiming that the doctors had given their permission and which in the end was, for the time being, avoided due to my parents notifying the doctors.

I believe the sole purpose of all this was to humiliate me, to make me lose all sense of self-respect and to generally make me realize the fact that I was a captive in their hands and I no longer had any rights. These situations drove me to think of the hospital and prisons at Korydallos as a haven of mental tranquility.

In the mean time, while I was waiting to be transferred to Korydallos prisons, we all saw an orchestrated attempt by the prosecuting authorities to manufacture culprits with their only indication being that they belonged to my friendly environment or to the anarchist scene. I am now sure that the taking in of people to be interrogated, the making public of names and the issuing of arrest warrants were triggered by the police finding some of my personal photos, calls to and from my mobile or whatever document proved I had a friendly relationship with these individuals. I want to express my solidarity to all of them.

According to the police and journalist scenarios we form an, unknown at least to me, ‘gang in black’ which consists of 10-15 individuals, anti-authoritarians and anarchists (which leaves open an option of the authorities involving other individuals) and this gang has committed another 6 bank robberies, goes on holidays in expensive resorts, has close ties to Passaris and so on. As far as the money that had been gathered by various comrades to cover needs of the anarchist scene and which I kept in a bank deposit box, it was labeled as the product of robberies.

As an outcome of all the above, I ended up defending myself in front of the interrogator for 7 bank robberies, for attempted homicide and for money laundering plus being put under the anti-terrorist law.

That the state and its underdogs have as a standard tactic for years now to tarnish peoples’ reputation, to inflate briefs, to manufacture culprits, to organize trials that are judicial parodies and generally in all kinds of ways to demonstrate their hate and vengefulness towards whoever resists is well known. One question however forms when taking into serious consideration all the above. What kind of treatment and what kind of methods will the state use in the case of the arrest or voluntary coming forward of the three comrades in order to get a confession out of them and to send them to trial but also how will a ‘fair trial’ be secured for whoever goes through with this procedure?

Finally I have one thing to say to all those who are planning our physical, ethical and political annihilation, once and for all: no matter what dirty and unethical means they use, no matter how much they hunt us down and imprison us they will never crush us and tame us. Because those who are just are those who revolt not those who snitch and bow their heads down.

I also want to say a big thank you to all those who have chosen, chose or will chose to give me their support and solidarity, by whatever means, even though the nature of my case is, I believe, very difficult.

In struggle

Giannis Dimitrakis

Korydallos Prisons, 5 June 2006

You can send mail to Giannis at:

Giannis Dimitrakis
dikastikes filakes neapolis kritis


Neapoli Kritis



Update on the prison struggle in Greece, 2007-8




We the prisoners of the hell called with an euphemism: prisons of the greek state, tired with the fake promisses of all justice ministers in the last 10 years, to ameliorate prison conditions and the penal code and the penal justice code, decided to move forcefully, in order to claim our rightful demands.


1. Abolish disciplinary charges. Modify the Penitentiary Code’s articles 68, 69, 70, 71. In any case, the disciplinary charges must be removed after the are served, and not accumulated nor taken into consideration when it comes to days off, work, education and discharge under conditions after they are served.
2. Reduction of the sentence limit for discharge under conditions, from 3/5 to the 3/7 of the sentence time. Immediate abolishment of the anti-constitutonal treaty that increased up to the 4/5 of crimes related to drugs.
3. Once and for all 3 year reduction of all prices, to make easier the relieve of over-crowding of prisons. NO to the new panoptic prisons, built isolated away from the cities social tissue.
4. Abolish the juuvenile prisons. Adopt open structure to take care of and protect the teenagers and youth.
5. Reduction of sentence limit of 25 years of continuous detention. Reduction of the minimum detention time to be discharged under conditions to 12 years from 16 that it is today, according to european legislature.
6. Immediate and without exceptions application of days-off, suspensions, and other benefits of the law, reduction of the minimal sentence time limits. Increase the number of days-off to 60 for those that have a right to 5 days and to 96 for those with a right to 8.
7. To end the over-use of pre-trial detentions and reduce the time limit to 12 months.
8. The para-justice racket is known for its hysteria of the last 8 years, leading to revengeful killing sentences. We as for proportionate sentences and wide application of the measure of suspension and discharge under conditions.
9. Full, permanent and 24 hour medical treatment and respect to the patients. Creation and improvement of adequate hygiene spaces (baths and toilets). Immediate integration of the Korydallos prison psychiatric and medical clinic to the National Health System, with new aisles for women and juveniles, that lack now. Immediate transportation of patients to public hospitals with ambulances and not in police vehicles, tied up with their hands behind their back.
10. To be provided the right in beneficial work payment, education, second chance schools, technical workshops and participation in diverse similar programms, to all prisoners proportionate and without any discrimination. To be given educational days-off, for all prisoners, that meet with the criteria and terms to study outside prison and for all levels of education and technical skills learning. Substancial amplification of withdrawal projects to all prisons.
11. Abolishion of the prison no-go zone. Free access for social and political institutions, Lawers Associations, Hellenic Medical Association and EINAP, organizations for human rights, NGOs and international organizations. Free circulation of political and educative press, with no exceptions.
12. Alternative forms of detention, amplification of agricultural prisons and of the institution of semi-free sentence as well as community service.
13. Amplification of the institution of free visits in humain conditions with respect to the personality and dignity of the prisoners and the visitors. Private place to meet with our companion.
14. Work and access to creative activities for all of us. Beneficial account of days of work in the sentence.
15. Right to selection of serving the sentence in their country of origin, for the prisoners from other countries, once and if they wish.
16. Humain transport conditions with improvement of the room in the preposterous transportation means of the greek police. More stops, improvement of the detention room in the miserable “Metagogon” transfer prison and faster transfer to the destination prisons.


On the occasion of the third-world life conditions inside this establishment but also our treatment by the totality of the ministry of justice services, and more precisely: Inexistant medical-pharmaceutical supply. Few, to even inexistant hygiene supply (without any right to a private purchase). Inexistant basic hygiene (no warm water). Inexistant social services and care. Preposterous food, because of luck of supplies. Even first need stuff is an unknown word here. Racist treatment of the prisoners when it comes to days-off and suspensions. Injust treatment of sentence accounts for suspension proportionate to the offence (2/5, 3/5 etc). Vast delays when it comes to bringing the case to the courthouse and especially the court of appeals. The peculiar stiffness of the persons judging us, despite the recommendations they have received. The inexistant second chance we are all waiting for and most of us have a right on it, but are never given. We decided to abstain from prison food commons from 03/11/2008 until proportionate measures are taken in regards to all the above. We expect your understanding.

Last update on the struggle inside, outside and against the prisons in Greece

An update on Greece’s prisoners collective hunger strike, reported actions in solidarity and some other related news. Most news come from, some mainstream media, and a few prisoners and comrades.

Diverse actions such as boycottage of prison meals around greek prisons and especially in Crete, informal prisoners committees form a network of communication and coordination. They spread a letter with prisoners demands and give a deadline of three weeks for the authorities to start working on them. After these three weeks mobilizations will peak with a boycottage of prison food, starting on 3/11 and a collective hunger strike from 7/11.
In Greece, more than 13.000 individuals are imprisoned, 1/3 of them without any trial yet, in awful conditions leading to more than 50 inmates losing their lives only last year.
On 30/10 the leftist “Initiative for prisoners rights” went with motorbikes to Diavata prisons in Thessaloniki. On 30/10 also, the anarchist prisoner (accused for participation in the kidnapping of northern Greece’s industrialists president) Polikarpos Georgiadis publishes an open letter on the prisoners mobilizations, making clear his disagreement with the hunger strike as having a deleterious effect on prisoners forces, creating fighters of many levels, some going on in a self-sacrifice spirit, others eating regularly etc. though stating his commitment to the prisoners struggle, “same as when he was outside” (letter can be found at
1/11: Lawyers association express their sympathy for the prisoners mobilizations.
2/11: Around 30 anarchists march to Volos prisons chanting and spray painting walls with slogans in solidarity to prisoners struggle.
3/11: Prison guards invade cells, harass prisoners and try to intimidate them in the face of the collective hunger strike. Riot police brigades deployed around many prisons.
3/11: Unannounced motorbike demo of dozens of anarchists to Korydallos (Athens) prisons where they chanted slogans in solidarity to prisoners struggle.
3/11: More than 8.000 prisoners boycotting prison meals.
4/11: Committe of the (left) parliament party SYN/SYRIZA meets with “minister of justice”, to discuss on an institutional committe from all parliament parties on prisons.
4/11: Anarchists/Antiauthoritarians in solidarity to prisoners organize demonstration-microphonics at Kamara, Thessaloniki centre.
4/11: At the juvenile prison of Volos, prisoners threw their stuff out of the cells and denied leaving their cells to go to the prison yard.
4/11: “Conspiracy of Cells of Fire” claims responsibility for a three-day rampage against military/police targets and sends “signal of fire to the prisoners that started a prison food strike since Monday, November 3”.
5/11: The president of the republic K. Papoulias speaks of the “major problem of prisons” with the typical humanitarian banalities.
5/11: Clubs of football fans such as PAOK-GATE4 and Panahaiki-NAVAJO expressed their support to the prisoners struggle.
5/11 Collective official form of complaints sent to the authorities undersigned by most of the prisoners at Diavata prison, outside Thessaloniki
6/11: Committe of the (leftist) “Initiative for prisoners rights” meets with “minister of justice” S. Hatzidakis, to negotiate on the prisoners issue.
6/11: Around 400 anarchists and revolutionaries ride with motorbikes and cars to Diavata prisons where they chanted slogans, torn down part of the barbed wire fencing and threw fireworks. The prisoners responded with slogans and howls.
6/11 Attack with fire at ruling party offices in Thessaloniki in solidarity to prisoners struggle, by the Cells of Aggresive Solidarity to Prisoners (more info at
7/11: Around 1000 prisoners on hunger strike. Less than 10 had to be tranfered to hospital.
7/11: Solidarity microphonics gathering in the market area of Chania, Crete
7/11: 98fm self-managed radio station of Athens, transmits prisoners demands and solidarity speach (
7/11: Prison guards try to intimidate prisoners in Ioannina and Diavata prisons, some transfers and night invasions in cells continue.
7/11: Solidarity demonstration-microphonics in Athens
7/11: Solidarity demonstration in Serres
7/11 Solidarity demonstration in Lamia
7/11: Prisoners demands and solidarity speach, and interview with ex-con on 1431AM, student self-managed radio station (
7/11: 2 mainstream radio stations are occupied by anarchists transmitting prisoners demands and solidarity speach in Thessaloniki and Lamia
7/11: Attack with paints against the council of state in Athens in solidarity to prisoners (more info at
8/11: Solidarity demonstration in Volos (photos at
8/11: Student unions and NGO express their sympathy to the prisoners mobilizations.
8/11: A prisoner dies in Chios prisons. More than 50 prisoners died in the greek prisons this year only.
8/11: A prisoner in hunger strike from Diavata prison, Thessaloniki, trasfered to a public hospital because his health as in danger, but returned to the prison the next day.
9/11: Three kurdish prisoners in Trikala, mainland Greece, sew their mouths in hunger strike! Another 14 will do the same the following days!
9/11: Solidarity demonstration in Lamia, afterwards police stops and harasses the demonstrators but leaves them free without charges few hours later and after lawers and friends arrived at the police station.
9/11: Arsonists set on fire 4 expensive cars in Exarchia, Athens centre and attack the offices of PASOK. Unknown person phoned to “Eleftherotipia” newspaper claiming “The arsons of luxurious cars Saturday night in Athens centre were in solidarity to the hundreds of prisoners in hunger strike, at the dungeons of the greek republic. The owners of luxurious cars should limit their rides at the northern suburbs and keep off the proletarian neighborhoods of the centre. Fire to the mansions and the cars of the riches”.
9/11: 3.300 in hunger strike. In juvenile prisons the vast majority are on hunger strike.
10/11: 4.500 in hunger strike.
10/11: Delta Squat organizes a solidarity intervention, with a huge banner and leaflets at Thessaloniki centre (photos at
10/11: Prison guards leave warm cooked food near prisoners on hunger strike (to torture them), or in other prisons invade in cells of prisoners that weren’t on hunger strike but boycot prison meals and take away some food cans, later photos of these are sent to fascist media provocating the prisoners struggle!
10/11: Al. Giotopoulos and V. Tzortzatos imprisoned in Korydallos special cells for allegedly involved with “November 17” organization political prisoners, go on hunger strike in solidarity of common prisoners and denounce the role of “initiatives that speak in the name of the prisoners and get to speak with the minister of justice, covering him politically for his apathy, even if they are indeed in solidarity to them, the only one legitime to speak of the prisoners are the prisoners themselves”. They state that “the only way is the common prisoners to be the only ones taking part in these committees” and that “the reason there are no prisoner insurrections is the vast dispension of drugs within the prisons”.
10/11: The leftist “Initiative for prisoners rights” organizes a solidarity concert in Athens centre. A bank is set on fire in Athens centre.
11/11: Solidarity flyers appear around towns in north western Greece.
10/11: New Democracy (ruling party) offices at Halandri, Athens, burnt with an improvised gas canister device.
10/11: Kyriakoula Lymnioudi, medical attendant at Chios prisons, publishes an article at a local newspaper describing the medieval conditions of the prison.
11/11: Solidarity demonstration in Thessaloniki centre, during the march of around 800 called by most anarchist/antiauthoritarian collectives of the city and the “Initiative for prisoners rights”, some surveillance cameras and bank ATMs are vandalised.
11/11: The State’s council on prisons, in a special meeting suggest the discharge of 1.500 prisoners and satisfaction of some of the prisoners demands (smaller sentences, 3/5 for drug users, 12 months of pre-trial imprisonment instead of 18, 6 days off instead of 5 etc). Prisoners turn down this mockery.
11/11: 18 ANO group for social rehabilitation of toxic addicts expresses solidarity with prisoners mobilizations.
11/11: Geology students of Aristotle university (Thessaloniki) after an assembly, come with a vote in solidarity to prisoners.
11/11: Posters and communiques circulate in all major cities around the country.
11/11: Mobile microphonics moves for hours around Chania, Crete, stops at the city hall where immigrants were on hunger strike too, and at the city’s prisons, where it was greeted with slogans.
11/11: Prisoners demands and solidarity speach, and interview with ex-con (replay) on 1431AM, student self-managed radio station (
11/11: Around 40 anarchists attack with bottles filled with red and black paint the new offices of PASOK (opposition party) and G. Voulgarakis (ex-minister) offices in Athens centre. Two undercover policemen threatened them with their guns, but were repelled with bottles and stones. On their way back, the anarchists broke down a National bank and a Eurobank branch, a bank’s van, undercover police motorbikes and a fascist bookshop of Adonis Georgiadis (LAOS right wing party member), throwing flyers in solidarity to prisoners struggle, throughout their way.
11/11: Around 10 anarchists attack the building of the ministry of press with stones and molotovs in solidarity to prisoners struggle.
11/11: More than 5.000 prisoners in hungerstrike, another 6.500 boycotting prison meals.
12/11: The “National Prisoners Committe” sends an open letter to the minister of justice: “We have started a struggle as citizens claiming our rights. Our fellow prisoners participation has overcome every hope and every previous mobilization. We want to manage our struggle ourselves. To speak in our name, with our name. We ask for our elected national prisoners committe, which are the real representatives of the prisoners, to meet with the minister. The meeting can take place in Korydallos, and we ask to help the persons of the committe be transfered there. The National Committe is: Radza Jabar (Trikala prisons), Aleksandar Kola (Trikala prisons), Abdel Halim Fatah (Trikala prisons), Vaggelis Palis (Chios prisons), Karabulea Danny (Kerkyra prisons).
12/11: Meanwhile, the (leftist) “Initiative for prisoners rights” meets again with the minister of justice who said he would come up with a new pack of measures in the following days. Justice minister also met with republic president K. Papoulias who in his turn said a new pack of nonsense. The “Initiative” announces they support the prisoners committe, and that determination, consistence and unity are needed”.
12/11: More than 5.500 prisoners in hunger strike, and around 6.000 boycotting prison food. Dozens of prisoners, especially drug addicts, needed to be transfered to hospital after a week of hunger strike. Around 20 inmates sewed their mouths in Trikala and Amfissa prisons.
12/11: The “Arsonist committe for prisoner solidarity” claim responsibility for incendiary attacks against a New Democracy vehicle at Halandri (8/11), a security car at Gyzi (8/11), a police car (10/11), offices of a constructin company involved in police barracks (10/11), an Emporiki bank (10/11), a Cyprus Bank (11/11), a vehicle of “Sklavenitis” supermarkets that supplies with food the prisons (11/11), the private car of the former public order minister S. Valyrakis responsible for the repression of prison mutinies of 1995, and a government vehicle at Ambelokipi (11/11) in solidarity to prisoners struggle.
12/11: Kostas Karatsolis, Dimitris Koufontinas, Iraklis Kostaris, Vassilis Ksiros, Savvas Ksiros and Christodoulos Ksiros, all prisoners in Korydallos special prisons for involvement in November 17, express their solidarity with the prisoners struggle, and call for unity in action.
12/11: Reports around most press and internet media on the prisoners struggle and the “problem with prisons”, while in the same time they describe the last wave of direct actions as an anarchist warm-up for the annual 17/11 march, where the police is expected to “get square” deploying 8.500 cops, pre-arresting suspects etc. Media try to obscure any connection among the “prison problem” and solidarity actions outside prisons.
12/11: The lawyers associations coordinative committee supports the immediate satisfaction of the prisoners demands, and ask to meet with the prime minister K. Karamanlis.
12/11: Spray painting and vandalism in solidarity actions at the Greek Embassy in London, and Moabit prison memorial in Germany.
13/11: Anarchist collectives call at solidarity demonstration at 18:00 in Propylea, Athens centre, where more than 2.000 people march. Riot-police brigades are repelled by the demonstrators with wooden sticks with flags, and spray painting slogans and leaflet distribution takes place. A car of the national television is set on fire after the march. Photos and and
13/11: Microphonics solidarity demo in central Heraklion, Crete by anarchists/antiauthoritarians.
13/11: Parts of three prisoners letters published at “Ta Nea” newspaper, revealing aspects of the conditions inside prisons, such as the lack of doctors, miserable food (everyday potatos for Eleonas women prisons, after a treaty among prison authorities and potato company), toilets not functioning, only cold water available at the showers and days-off only for the management’s “favorites”.
13/11: A prisoner is found dead in Grevena prison. Nikolas Bardakis was in hunger strike, though the ministry of justice claims his death was not related to the hunger strike.
13/11: Solidarity demonstration in Veria, called by “Schinovatis” local antiauthoritarian group.
13/11: Chemistry students association of Crete votes for solidarity to the prisoners struggle.
13/11: Arsonists hit 5 banks and supermarkets during the night in Thessaloniki.
13/11: Greek economy minister G. Alogoskoufis is pelted with eggs in London during a speach in London School of economics by a group throwing leaflets and chanting slogans in solidarity to prisoners. On his way back to Greece, he was attacked again in the airport by a group in solidarity to prisoners throwing yoghurts at him!
14/11: The association of hospital doctors votes for solidarity to the prisoners mobilizations.
14/11: A groups claims responsibility for the arson against an ATE bank in solidarity to the prisoners and to three anarchist fugitives.
14/11: A bloggers initiative “Not in our names” calls for solidarity to the prisoners mobilizations and starts a signature petition.
14/11: Ministry of justice proposes via the mass-media a new set of measures. Prisoners aren’t satisfied.
14/11: The “Alternative Lawyers Intervention of Athens” expressess its solidarity to the prisoners mobilizations and demands.
14/11: In Giannena, local students associations have voted for solidarity to prisoners, while the local prisoner solidarity assembly demonstrate outside Giannena prison during visit time, chanting slogans in solidarity to prisoners. An info-stall runs everyday in the city center.
14/11: In Arta, municipal employees tear down a banner hanged by the local Open Assembly, in solidarity to prisoners, after an open gig organized in the town center.
14/11: Athens media students association vote for solidarity to prisoners.
14/11: Legal management students association votes for solidarity to prisoners mobilizations.
14/11: Athens: “Incendiary Solidarity” claims responsibility for attacking companies cooperating with the ministry of justice and supplying prisons and several banks around Athens.
14/11: Lisbon, Portugal: Anarchist distribute solidarity flyers around the greek embassy. More info at
15/11 98fm chaos radio station (self-managed) transmits solidarity speach and prisoners struggle info.
15/11: Around 20-30 people in Chios island, from a local solidarity committe and a collective from Lesvos island, climbed in a roof near the prisons with a red-black flag and got contact with prisoners. On their sight, the prisoners greeted them loudly and started breaking glass windows of the prison. The two sides chanted slogans together. Later on, a solidarity concert takes place in Chios town. Photos: and
15/11: Solidarity and info gathering at Naxos island by the Autonomous Initiative of Naxos with microphonics. Photos at
15/11: Common letter from the anarchist prisoners P. Georgiadis, G. Dimitrakis, G. Voutsis-Vogiatzis, on the prisoners struggle.
15/11: Anarchist prisoner P. Georgiadis gets tranfered from Ioannina to Komotini juridical prison.
15/11: A few prisoners send letters with complaints to a newspaper “Eleftheros Tipos”.
16/11: Anarchists/antiauthoritarians solidarity marches to Alikarnassos and Lasithi prisons in Crete.
16/11: Info and solidarity demo at Brixton oval, London UK and walk to Brixton prison. Some photos at
16/11: Minister of justice, K. Gletsos unannouncedly visits the prison of Larissa, and has a talk with prisoners on the new set of measures he will announce on the following days
16/11: Christos Tsibanis, 30 years old, hangs him self inside a toilet of Domokos prison. Fellow prisoners find his body and try to do CPR on him, while prison guards came only half an hour later, and no doctors were present. Christos is in a coma. Domokos prison was the issue of a popular TV show, bringing into light the major illegalities of the prison authorities, such as giving days-off to inmates in exchange with some “favors” connected with prison officials’ illegal business outside. All this came to light after a prisoner talked to the reporters, and prison manager and guard chief were suspended.
16/11: Lisbon, Portugal – “Sunday night anarchists attacked the greek embassy in Lisbon (Portugal) with black paint-bombs. Greetings to the comrades. Solidarity to the prisoners in struggle!” (
16/11: 5.800 prisoners in hunger strike.
17/11: More than 6.500 prisoners in hunger strike. 3 dead in Grevena, Chios and Domokos prisons. Dozens stopped consuming even water!
17/11: A prisoner named Constandinos Polidorou, communicates with a TV station denouncing the existance of “Blue Cells” of torture inside Korydallos prison, where guards were leaving inmates naked, and lowering temperature, while until 1997, inmates were tied on a marble cross, treated with drugs and water under pressure.
17/11: In some cities anarchists connect the annual November 17, 1973 anti-junta insurrection remembrance day to the prisoners struggle, calling to demonstrations.
17/11: In Nicosia, Cyprus the local group “Antiauthoritarian Autonomous Action” organizes a demonstration to the greek embassy in solidarity to the prisoners in struggle (more at
17/11: In Corfu, anarchists march to the local prison chanting slogans, while the prisoners welcome them with slogans ans setting fire to matresses and clothes.
17/11: Gathering with banners and flyers in Kozani.
17/11: Open assembly of a Citizens Initiative in Chios, on prisoner support.
17/11: 1431 AM holds a radio show on prisoners with members of the (leftist) Initiative for prisoners rights, and the “Common Action for prisoners rights” (which is formed by the “Marxist-Leninist Communist Party”, “Left Refoundation”, “left Anticapitalist Formation”, “Workers Anti-imperialist Front”, “Workers Revolutionary Party”, “New Left Current”, “Workers Party” and an organization self-titled “Antiauthoritarian Movement”).
17/11: The (left) “Initiative for prisoners rights” publishes a petition signed by 3.000 citizens and many left politicians and celebrities “joining their voice to the prisoners”.
18/11: 7.000 prisoners in hunger strike, according to the mainstream mass-media.
18/11: Solidarity march outside Korydallos prison in Athens, called by the leftit “Initiative for prisoners rights”, attended by some 600 persons, mostly anarchists, that burnt a greek flag hanged outside the prison entrance, and threw fireworks. There were riot-police brigades, but demonstrators had eye-contact with prisoners inside. Prisoners made light signals, chanted slogans, set on fire clothes at their cells’ windows, and demonstratores replied by setting garbadge bins on fire and chanting slogans together. There were also some live phone-calls with prisoners from people outside.
18/11: Members of the left parliament party SYN/SYRIZA visit Trikala prisons.
18/11: Greek lawyers associations denounce the justice minister on issues concerning prisons and justice in general, and ask for his replacement.
18/11: A local assembly in solidarity to prisoners, by anarchists and autonomists, occupies two radio stations in Ioannina to make known the prisoners struggle, and organizes interventions in the city centre.
18/11: A prisoner speaks live on a well known left-wing performer’s (Jimmis Panousis) radio show, on the hunger strike, notes that prisoners aren’t in well-maintained health, and with the hunger strike this is much worst, and asks for the minister to talk with the prisoners committee.
18/11: In Nikea, Piraeus, a prisoner gets a day-off to be present at his mother’s funeral, but later the cops invade the church, hand cuff them and take them inside a police van.
18/11: In Thessaloniki, the open assembly for prisoner solidarity holds an open assembly with the people at Kamara (a central piazza).
18/11: 50-60 demonstrators attack with paint-bombs the courthouse of Thessaloniki, after a microphonics demo.
19/11: Three prisoners, two men and one woman from Diavata prisons, transfered to a public hospital after their health was in danger because of the hunger strike. The men felt better and returned to prison, the same day.
19/11: After relatives and families of prisoners meet with the minister of Macedonia-Thrace in Thessaloniki, the “Common Action for prisoners rights” (formed by the “Marxist-Leninist Communist Party”, “Left Refoundation”, “left Anticapitalist Formation”, “Workers Anti-imperialist Front”, “Workers Revolutionary Party”, “New Left Current”, “Workers Party” and an organization self-titled “Antiauthoritarian Movement”) organizes a mobile concert from Thessaloniki centre to Diavata prison, and announces the opening of a bank account for a “prisoner solidarity fund”.
19/11: City hall of Thessaloniki attacked with paints and flyers against prison appeared around it.
19/11: S. Hatzigakis, minister of justice, in his speach inside the parliament speaks of “certain non-parliamentary circles that inflame this case” and mentions that “opening the prisons to let the prisoners go is not normal, once society has its defences”.
19/11: March to Larissa prisons by the (left) Antiracist Initiative of Larissa. Prisoners welcomed demonstrators chanting slogans.
19/11: Minister of justice presents the new set of measures on prisons to be discussed in the parliament is made known through the mass-media. Release of all imprisoned for minor misdemeanours (1.500 prisoners) once and for all, without bail. All imprisoned for up to 5 years, enabled for dismissal on bail, apart from serious felonies and drug related cases. Disabled and AIDS patients dismissed under certain conditions. Disciplinary charges are not added to the penal charges. One more day-off. Access to the prisons by a committe of all parliament parties, and some more minor benefits, especially for drug users, as well as: The construction of 4 new prisons and the expansion of 3 existant prisons, to “better comfort the prisoners rehabilitation”.
19/11: During day time, few dozens of persons attacked the city hall of Thessaloniki with paints and spread flyers against prisons. (photos
19/11: Dozens of prisoners taken to hospitals, because of the hunger strikes. More than 30 from Larissa prisons, another 30 from Patras prison, and 4 women from Eleonas.
19/11: Around 50-60 anarchists gather outside Patras prisons, chanting slogans and holding banners, flags and fireworks. The prisoners (more than 900 in hunger strike) greeted them with slogans and setting clothes on fire. (Photos
20/11: The Left Radical Doctors Group announces their support to the prisoners struggle and the creation of a mobile unit to provide health care to prisoners in hunger strike.
20/11: More than 200 bloggers post, undersign and forward to the government and other institutions a text supporting prisoners mobilizations.
20/11: The brothers of Demokritos Vouvakis, found dead in Chios prisons on 8/11, raise a lawsuit against the prison authorities. The unfortunate man, was found dead of excessive drug pill consumption prescribed by the prison doctors, an incident possibly connected with threats he received against his life while in pre-trial imprisonment, something he had expressed to the prison authorities that didn’t take any measures.
20/11: The “Common Action for prisoners rights” and the “National Prisoners Committee” announce the cease of the hunger strike on 21/11, after the last declarations of the minister of justice, expecting from the parliament to pass a law affirming them within 3 months. They thank “the solidarity movement, every institution, political party, and every fighter that stands by us by any means he or she selects and declare that our struggle against this human disposal centers continues”. The “Common Action for prisoners” announces they stop a gathering outside the ministry because of the cease of the hungerstrike. Less than 10 persons attended anyway. Most NGOs consider the measures suggested as very limited. Meanwhile, many prisoners seem to continue the hunger strike despite the announcements.
21/11: Minister of justice, S. Hatzigakis speaks in the parliament of the measures taken, saying there will be no further reforms. Prisoners condemned for misdemeanours that have spent more than 1/5 of less than two years sentence or 1/3 for more than two years sentence, may be discharged, for this time and only. Most prisoners for drug use will be able to serve 3/5 of their sentence before being discharged under conditions. Pre-trial imprisonment is set to 12 months instead of 18 but only for some cases. One more day-off a year. Smaller disciplinary charges. Some AIDS and other diseases patients may be discharged under conditions. Nothing gets better for felony (capital crimes) offender, no possibility to buy off a long (over 5 years) sentence, even if for a misdemeanour (the case for the vast majority of prisoners). Nothing gets better for juvenile prisoners. Cumulative sentences remain. Nothing gets betters for the prisoners transfers. The prisoners committe will not be allowed to see the justice minister. S. Hatzigakis mentioned it is the first time since 1982, where the first prisoner mobilizations started, that a protest ends in a peaceful manner, through succesful dialogue and a synthesis of opinions. He added that this peaceful protest is a heritage for future situations, and that every political party and institution helped in the solution of the prison problem (sic).
21/11: Prison authorities prevent a lawyer from taking a protest letter by a client inmate in Diavata prisons, undersigned by many of the prisoners, out of the prison. They finally give him the letter after they note down the signatures.
21/11: Three detainees escape from Thiva police prison, cettung their cell’s bars with a hack saw.
21/11: Night event of economic support at Delta squat, Thessaloniki, with video-projections and live concert with “Intibah”.
21/11: The “Assembly for prisoner solidarity” in Ioannina calls “all citizens, associations and institutions” in a march to Ioannina prisons.
21/11: Chios island, the local prisoner solidarity committe circulates a report of the prison guards asking for the tranfer of the prison doctor (the one that had denounced the conditions in a local newspaper earlier), because after they (the prison guards) beaten up a prisoner causing him head injuries, the prison doctor dared to ask the prisoner who beated him so brutally. According to the prison guards “she should mind her own business”.
21/11: Trash h/c benefit gig at the self-managed infoshop of Kavala, hosted by Accion Mutante, in support of the prisoners struggle.
21/11: Solidarity night at Evaggelismos squat, Heraklion, Crete. Projection of the film “I hate sun that rises for everyone”. More at
21/11: Following a rather typical tactic, the Communist Party through its newspaper and a “Democratic Coalition” it has formed on legal issues, asks for prison reforms by the time of the cease of the prisoners mobilizations, blaming the ruling party and the opposition for the current situation. It also asks for obligatory basic education for prisoners and free access to prisons for social and scientific institutions and political party representatives…
22/11: Solidarity motorbike-mobile concert (artists on a van playing music)-demo to the prisons of Diavata, Thessaloniki, after an initiative of relatives of some prisoners affiliated with the “Common action for prisoners rights”. The event is cancelled due to bad weather conditions.
22/11: Fundraiser DIY hip-hop “Until we break da chains” party at the polytechnic university, Athens.
22/11: Assembly on the prisoners struggle in Greece, and “classic punk” night at “To fanari tou Diogeni” squat in Cyprus (
22/11: Solidarity demo and microphonics in Mytilini, Lesvos island.
22/11: 280 walk to Ioannina prisons, in a march called by the (leftist) “Prisoner Solidarity Assembly” and a prisoner solidarity assembly of local anarchists and autonomists.
22/11: “A sign of solidarity to the thousands of hungerstrikers in the dungeons of democracy” was according to an unknown person’s phone call to “Eleftherotipia” newspaper the incendiary attach a few minutes after 11:30 in the night of Tuesday, wrecking a Millenium bank branch, on 25 Pentelis Avenue, Halandri. “We encourage the justice minister and the prison guards not to mess around with fire. Victory to the prisoners struggle untill the destruction of every last prison.
24/11: Open speak on prisons, prison conditions and the prisoners struggle, by the “Alterative Lawers Initiative” in Thessaloniki, where a member of the “national prisoners committee” V. Pallis will speak through phone.
25/11: The “Common action for prisoners rights” calls at a demo outside the justice ministry during some affiliated with them prisoner relatives meet with the minister inside.
25/11: Ioannis Kamberis, 38 year old prisoner in Corfu, is found dead in his cell during his 17 year sentence for some thefts. According to the guards, by heroine. Another one, 24 years old, was found in a comma, and transfered to the hospital. He is better now.
26/11: Demonstration of the “Common Action for prisoners solidarity”, with some 500 persons.
26/11: Justice minister adds a paragraph enabling for dismissal any prisoners over 80 years old with mental diseases. According to the opposition, this “photographs” the only over 80 y.o. prisoner who happens to be D. Ioannidis, imprisoned for his leading role in the military junta of 1967-74 since 1974…
26/11: The minister of justice, during a tv interview mentions we should also think of other ways to let more persons out of prison, such as micro-chip implants…
26/11: The government committe accepts the justice minister’s plans, and “3.800 prisoners are expected to have christmas at home with their families”.
26/11: Solidarity intervention with flyers and banners outside the Greek embassy of Hage, in Holland. (Photos:
27/11: A bulgarian prisoner is found dead in Chios prisons. He was transfered to a hospital a few days earlier with a chest ache, but returned back to prison the same day. Chios prison authorities have banned any communication with prisoners, for any committe from outside, including even lawyers association, NGOs and political parties.
27/11: Demonstration at Neptunplatz, Köln, Germany, in solidarity to the prisoners struggle in Greece. This same initiative organizing the demo, also announces a demo to the local prisons on new year’s eve, a gathering at the city’s central station on December 1, in solidarity to the prisoner’s collective hungerstrike in Italy that begins then, and other events and radio shows during December. (photos:
28/11: Live talk with anarchist and other prisoners at 98fm pirate radio station.
29/11: Two interventions in Veria, outside the technical school and at the open street market, by the local group “Shinovatis” (sxinovati(at)
1/12: “Eleftherotipia” newspaper reports another death in Chios prison, of a 53 year old Belarussian this time, according to the prison authorities due to heart disease. Unrest among prisoners.
1/12: Former military regime leading member D. Ioannidis ask with a letter to the minister of justice to be included in the prisoners to be discharged.
1/12: A 32 year old suicides while under custody, inside Alexandria police station, near Thessaloniki.
1/12: Anarchist weekend in Florina, including posters, videos and info material on the prisoners struggle, by local anarchist students.
4/12: Manager of Diavata prisons gets beaten up during a speach in Law school of Aristotle university Thessaloniki, and transfered to hospital!
4/12: Anarchist event on prisons in Alexandroupoli.
Struggle continues!
Keep in mind: Across the world, prisoners fight their incarceration, by all means.
Across Italian prisons, a collective hunger strike has started since 1/12, initiated by life-prisoners against life sentence (currently 26 years in Italy).
In Germany as well, self-organized prisoner struggles have infested German prisons with unrest. Learn more:
In the UK, the absence of any collective action has given way to prisoners violence towards themselves, with drug use, suicides and conscious self-harm raising.
In North America, several cases of fights among prisoners, have turned to prison riots during the last months.
Keep warm!



Greetings from Lisbon

From e-mail:

Friday, Nov.14, at 11h in the morning we distributed 200 A4-size leaflets in front and around the building of the Economy and Comerce Section of the Greek Embassy, in the center of Lisbon, leaving some of them inside the building also. The leaflets included a small introdutory text to the prisoners’ struggle, a few of their demands, and a chronology of the events until that day. Besides, it also included the following text:”

Prison is everywhere, in all our life. Constantly we are watched, controlled, identified, listened… it is the cop, the surveillance camera, the court, the judge, the police station, and our entire reality of forced interactions… it is the fear of being what we are, of saying what we feel, of doing what we would like to do… it is the everyday misery, it stalks us in our memory, it is a permanent threat….
Prison is also that isolate building, where only the convicted and the hangmen are… it is the siege from where we can not leave, it is the guards that control and torture us, it is our body in the hands of the state…it is the walls that enclose and hide us, that push us away for years… it is the place where everything is taken away from us…
Prison is, at the same time, an idea and a building. But always a reality.
In Greece, like everywhere else, the struggle of the prisoners is the only way to face and fight the reality to which they are forced. To accept prison is only possible due to all the means of alienation the state uses, inside and outside the prisons, and that create a daily life of fear and resignation. What’s happening today in the Greek prisons has born from the determination of individuals kidnapped by the state, and although we are outside the walls, that doesn’t mean we’re free. That freedom, we have to conquer it.
In Greece, in Portugal, and anywhere else, no condition of life inside a prison will ever be human, because that’s impossible inside a prison. There’s no reform of whatever nature that can, in any way, humanize this place where we’re locked up; where everything, with the exception of dignity, is taken away from us.
But dignity will always belong to those who struggle, to the insurgents, to the individuals.
There are countless ways with which to show our solidarity and spread the revolt, attacking control and the controllers of this world; the first step is to decide on which side we are.
Having said this, the only “demand” we have is the destruction of every prison and of this prison-society!




Portuguese: Alastrando a solidariedade

Na sexta-feira, dia 14 de Nov., às 11h da manhã distribuímos 200 flyers tamanho A4 em frente e em redor do edifício da Secção Económica e Comercial da Embaixada Grega, no centro de Lisboa, deixando também alguns dentro do edifício. Os flyers continham um breve texto introdutório à luta dos presos, algumas das suas exigências e uma cronologia dos acontecimentos até à data. Além disso, incluia também o seguinte texto:

A prisão está em todo o lado, em toda a nossa vida. Constantemente somos observados, controlados, identificados, escutados… ela é o polícia, a câmara de vigilância, o tribunal, o juíz, a esquadra, e toda a nossa realidade diária de interacções forçadas… ela é o medo de sermos o que somos, de dizermos o que sentimos, de fazermos o que gostaríamos de fazer… ela é a miséria quotidiana, persegue-nos na nossa memória, é uma ameaça permanente…
A prisão é também aquele edifício isolado, onde só estão os condenados e os carrascos… é o cerco de onde não podemos sair, é os guardas que nos controlam e torturam, é o nosso corpo nas mãos do Estado… ela é as paredes que nos fecham e que nos escondem, que nos afastam durante anos… ela é o sítio onde tudo nos é retirado…
A prisão é, ao mesmo tempo, uma ideia e um edifício. Mas sempre uma realidade.
Na Grécia ou em qualquer outro lugar, a luta por parte dos presos é a única forma de enfrentarem e combaterem a realidade a que são obrigados. Aceitar a prisão é apenas possível por meio de todos os métodos de alienação que o Estado emprega, dentro e fora das prisões, e que criam um quotidiano de medo e resignação. O que se passa hoje nas prisões Gregas nasceu da determinação de indivíduos sequestrados pelo Estado, e embora nós estejamos no exterior das paredes, isso não significa que sejamos livres. Essa liberdade temos nós de a conquistar.
Na Grécia, em Portugal ou em qualquer outro país, nenhuma condição de vida dentro da prisão será humana, pois isso é impossível dentro de uma prisão. Não existe reforma de qualquer natureza que possa, de alguma maneira, humanizar um local onde estamos presos; onde tudo, à excepção da dignidade, nos é retirado.
Mas a dignidade pertencerá sempre aos que lutam, aos insurgentes, aos indivíduos.
Há inúmeros modos através dos quais podemos dar a nossa solidariedade e alastrar a revolta, atacando o controlo e os controladores deste mundo; o primeiro passo é decidir de que lado estamos.
Posto isto, a única exigência que temos é a destruição de todas as prisões e desta sociedade-prisão!



Domingo à noite anarquistas atacaram a embaixada grega em Lisboa (Portugal) com bolas de tinta preta.
Saudações aos companheiros.
Solidariedade com os presos em luta!

Brixton, UK…